Contents

02 July 2026

1. National AI Token Policy Proposed: Free AI Tokens for Top R&D Institutions & SchoolsGS3
2. New Species of Aquifer-Dwelling Blind Fish Discovered in AssamGS3
3. GI Tag for Mandu’s Khurasani Imli (Baobab Fruit)GS3
4. Centre Fixes Wage Floor Under VB-G RAM G, Replacing MGNREGAGS2
5. Arunachal Clan Launches Conservation Drive for Endangered Ray-Finned FishGS3
6. Why Has the Government Notified a New Set of Telecom Rules?GS2
7. Over 99% of Births and Deaths Registered in 2024: CRS ReportGS1

Article 01

National AI Token Policy Proposed: Free AI Tokens for Top R&D Institutions & Schools to Boost ‘Bharat Rate of Growth’

GS Paper 3 — Indian Economy / Science & Technology

Why in News

Policy analysts have put forward a ‘Reforms 3.0’ roadmap that treats Artificial Intelligence (AI) as a form of public digital infrastructure, on the lines of Aadhaar and the Unified Payments Interface (UPI). The centrepiece is a proposed National AI Token Policy that would give free AI compute access to premier research institutions and schools, positioning AI adoption as the next lever—after the 1991 reforms and Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI)—to push India’s GDP growth from its historically modest trajectory to a sustained 8% or higher over the coming decade. It is important to note this is a proposal advanced by policy commentators, not an announced government scheme.

Static Background

• For roughly 45 years after Independence, India’s economy expanded at a subdued average of 3–4%, a phase economists labelled the “Hindu rate of growth.”
• A balance-of-payments crisis in 1991 forced a decisive round of Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG reforms), after which growth accelerated markedly — termed “Reforms 1.0.”
• A second wave (“Reforms 2.0”) followed roughly two decades later, when India built large-scale Digital Public Infrastructure: the Aadhaar biometric identity system and the UPI real-time payments network.
• The current proposal frames AI as a potential third wave (“Reforms 3.0”), arguing subsidised AI access could make computation nearly free at population scale, just as Aadhaar and UPI did for identity and payments.

The Core Proposal

• Free AI research tokens for the top 100 national R&D institutions, universities and roughly 5,000 high schools, at an estimated annual cost of about $2 billion—around 0.06% of GDP.
• A diversified 40:30:30 compute-hardware mix—AWS Trainium/AMD chips for inference, Google TPUs for academic training, and NVIDIA GPUs for specialised workloads—intended to avoid dependence on a single vendor.
• Hosting of both open-source models (such as Llama) and indigenous models (such as Sarvam) on domestic infrastructure, to reduce reliance on foreign APIs that could be restricted without notice.
• Use of India’s scale as a 1.4-billion-user market to negotiate cloud and compute capacity from global hyperscalers in exchange for land, power and favourable data-residency terms.

Key Facts at a Glance

Indicator	Figure
Proposed AI token subsidy cost	~$2 billion/year (about 0.06% of GDP)
India’s current R&D spend	0.65% of GDP (vs. Israel 5.4%, S. Korea 4.9%, US 3.5%, China 2.4%)
Current annual subsidy on food, fertiliser & LPG	~$49 billion
Proposed compute hardware split	40% AWS Trainium/AMD, 30% Google TPUs, 30% NVIDIA GPUs
Aadhaar enrolment	~1.38 billion people (world’s largest biometric ID system)
UPI annual transactions	~250 billion transactions worth ~$3.4 trillion (~50% of global real-time payments)

Challenges Flagged

• Compute-Energy-Climate trilemma: large AI data centres can require 5–10 times the power of conventional cloud systems, straining the grid and complicating India’s Panchamrit climate commitments, including Net Zero by 2070.
• Silicon supply-chain vulnerability: despite the India Semiconductor Mission, India still lacks domestic fabrication for advanced-node (below 5nm) chips, leaving it dependent on Taiwan’s TSMC and exposed to export-control regimes.
• Political economy of subsidy reallocation: shifting funds from traditional physical subsidies toward AI access is politically sensitive in a welfare-dependent democracy.
• Tokenisation bias: current large language models need disproportionately more compute to process Indic languages than English, a “token tax” that could widen the digital divide.
• Governance gap: India currently lacks a comprehensive algorithmic-accountability framework to address issues like AI-driven deepfakes, bias, and IPR disputes over training data, even as the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023 struggles to apply to opaque AI systems.

The proposal is best read as an agenda-setting contribution to India’s AI policy debate rather than an enacted scheme. Its core argument—that subsidising computation may be as transformative as past subsidies on identity and payments—is likely to keep AI infrastructure policy in the exam-relevant spotlight through the year.

Prelims Pointers

• National AI Token Policy — a policy proposal (not an enacted scheme) to give free AI compute tokens to premier institutions and schools.
• Estimated cost of the proposal — about $2 billion/year, roughly 0.06% of India’s GDP.
• India’s R&D spending — 0.65% of GDP, well below peers such as Israel, South Korea, the US and China.
• Proposed hardware mix — 40:30:30 split across AWS Trainium/AMD, Google TPUs and NVIDIA GPUs, to avoid vendor lock-in.
• Aadhaar — world’s largest biometric identity system, enrolling about 1.38 billion people.
• UPI — handles about 250 billion transactions a year worth roughly $3.4 trillion, around half of global real-time digital payments.
• “Hindu rate of growth” — term for India’s subdued ~3–4% average GDP growth for about 45 years after Independence.
• 1991 reforms — triggered by a Balance of Payments crisis; introduced Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG).
• India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) — government programme to build domestic chip design and fabrication capacity.
• TSMC — Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, the dominant global maker of advanced-node chips.
• Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023 — India’s data protection law, relevant to AI governance debates.
• Panchamrit — India’s five climate pledges announced at COP26, including a Net Zero target for 2070.
• “Token tax” / tokenisation bias — the extra computational cost LLMs incur while processing Indic languages compared to English.
• BharatNet — government project extending optical-fibre connectivity to rural India, relevant to last-mile AI access.

Mains Practice Question

India’s Digital Public Infrastructure success with Aadhaar and UPI is often cited as a model for democratising access to Artificial Intelligence. Critically examine the feasibility and challenges of a state-subsidised ‘National AI Token Policy’ in achieving inclusive, AI-led economic growth.

GS Paper 3 · 250 words · 15 marks

MCQ

With reference to India’s Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), consider the following pairs and identify the correctly matched one:

• AAadhaar — a real-time digital payments interface
• BUPI — a biometric identity enrolment system
• CUPI — handles about half of the world’s real-time digital payment transactions
• DAadhaar — introduced as part of the proposed Reforms 3.0 agenda

Answer: C

UPI processes roughly 250 billion transactions a year worth about $3.4 trillion, accounting for close to half of the world’s real-time digital payments. Aadhaar, by contrast, is a biometric identity system, not a payments interface, and both Aadhaar and UPI were built well before the AI-focused Reforms 3.0 proposal discussed in this article.

Article 02

New Species of Aquifer-Dwelling Blind Fish Discovered in Assam

GS Paper 3 — Environment & Biodiversity

Why in News

An international team of fish taxonomists from Germany, India and Switzerland has formally described a new genus and species of blind, groundwater-dwelling fish recovered from a dug well in an Assam village. Published in the journal Scientific Reports, the find marks the first documented record of an aquifer-dwelling fish species anywhere in Northeast India or the wider Eastern Himalayan region.

Static Background

• Species that live permanently within underground aquifers are described as phreatobitic—among the most evolutionarily distinct and least-studied groups of freshwater fauna.
• Until this discovery, such subterranean fish in the Indian subcontinent were known almost exclusively from the lateritic lowlands of the Western Ghats—for instance, Kerala’s Blind Catfish (Horaglanis krishnai).
• The Assam find extends the known geography of India’s subterranean fish fauna by nearly the length of the country, suggesting similar hidden aquifer ecosystems may exist elsewhere in the Eastern Himalaya.

Key Facts

Detail	Description
Species name	Gitchak nakana
Taxonomic placement	New genus within family Cobitidae (true loaches)
Name origin	Garo language — ‘Gitchak’ (red, the fish’s body colour) and ‘na-tok kana’ (blind fish)
Habitat	Subterranean aquifer; recorded only from a single dug-out well, in low numbers
Distinguishing feature	No eyes; striking red body colouration
Publishing journal	Scientific Reports (Nature Portfolio)
Research team	Senckenberg Museum (Dresden), Kerala University of Fisheries and Ocean Studies, Assam Don Bosco University, Dhanamanjuri University, and the Natural History Museum, Bern

Related Subterranean Species

• Horaglanis krishnai — the Blind Catfish of Kerala, previously the best-known example of India’s aquifer-dwelling fish fauna.
• Neolissochilus pnar — the cave mahseer of Meghalaya, recognised as the world’s largest cavefish; researchers flagged concern that it has appeared in the international aquarium trade despite limited data on its population.

Because the newly described species was found in only one well and in very low numbers, its exact location has been withheld to protect the population. Researchers have called for dedicated study of population size and threats before any conservation prioritisation can be undertaken.

Prelims Pointers

• Gitchak nakana — newly described blind, aquifer-dwelling fish species from Assam.
• Taxonomic family — placed in a new genus within Cobitidae, the true loach family.
• Name origin — from the Garo language: ‘Gitchak’ means red, referring to the fish’s body colour.
• Habitat type — phreatobitic, i.e. living permanently within a groundwater aquifer.
• Discovery significance — first record of an aquifer-dwelling fish species from Northeast India and the Eastern Himalaya.
• Prior known range of such fauna — lateritic lowlands of the Western Ghats, southern India.
• Horaglanis krishnai — the Blind Catfish of Kerala, another Indian subterranean/aquifer-dwelling species.
• Neolissochilus pnar — the cave mahseer of Meghalaya, considered the world’s largest cavefish.
• Publishing journal — Scientific Reports, part of the Nature Portfolio.
• Research collaboration — involved institutions from Germany, India and Switzerland.
• Kufos — Kerala University of Fisheries and Ocean Studies, a lead institution in India’s subterranean fish research.
• IUCN SSC Freshwater Fish Specialist Group — the body whose South Asia chair was part of the research team.
• Conservation concern — small, restricted subterranean populations are vulnerable to threats like the aquarium pet trade.

Mains Practice Question

Subterranean aquifer ecosystems remain among the least studied and most vulnerable habitats in India’s biodiversity landscape. Discuss their ecological significance and the conservation challenges they present.

GS Paper 3 · 150 words · 10 marks

MCQ

Match List I (Species) with List II (Region/Significance) and select the correct answer using the codes given below:

• List I1. Gitchak nakana   2. Horaglanis krishnai   3. Neolissochilus pnar
• List IIA. World’s largest cavefish (Meghalaya)   B. Blind Catfish of Western Ghats aquifers (Kerala)   C. First aquifer-dwelling fish species recorded from Northeast India (Assam)
• A1–A, 2–B, 3–C
• B1–C, 2–B, 3–A
• C1–B, 2–C, 3–A
• D1–C, 2–A, 3–B

Answer: B

Gitchak nakana is the newly described Assam species (first aquifer fish record from Northeast India); Horaglanis krishnai is Kerala’s Blind Catfish from Western Ghats aquifers; Neolissochilus pnar is Meghalaya’s cave mahseer, the world’s largest known cavefish.

Article 03

GI Tag Puts Mandu’s Khurasani Imli on the Global Map

GS Paper 3 — Economy / Intellectual Property Rights

Why in News

Khurasani Imli, the fruit of Mandu’s iconic Baobab tree in Madhya Pradesh, has been granted a Geographical Indication (GI) tag. Officials say the recognition will help safeguard the species, strengthen branding of Baobab-based products, and open new livelihood avenues for the tribal communities that have long depended on the tree.

Static Background

• A GI tag is granted under the Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999, in force since September 2003 to meet India’s obligations under the WTO’s TRIPS Agreement.
• It is administered by the Geographical Indications Registry in Chennai, which functions under the Controller General of Patents, Designs and Trade Marks (CGPDTM), part of DPIIT, Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
• A GI right is a collective, non-transferable right held by producers within a defined region, valid for ten years and renewable indefinitely; India’s first GI tag went to Darjeeling Tea in 2004–05.
• The Baobab (Adansonia digitata) is not native to India; local accounts trace its arrival in Mandu to roughly six centuries ago, believed introduced by Afghan and Arab traders, after which it adapted to the region’s climate.
• Mandu today hosts India’s largest naturally occurring concentration of Baobab trees, recognisable for their massive water-storing trunks and inverted, tree-like branch structure.

Key Facts

Aspect	Detail
Product tagged	Khurasani Imli — fruit of the Baobab tree
GI-granting authority	Geographical Indications Registry, Chennai, under CGPDTM/DPIIT, Ministry of Commerce & Industry
Governing statute	Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999 (in force since 2003)
Concentration of trees	Mandu region — over 1,000 Baobab trees, India’s largest such population
Historical introduction	Believed introduced to Mandu nearly six centuries ago by Afghan and Arab traders
Traditional uses	Pulp, juice, seeds and bark used by tribal communities to treat ailments such as diabetes, digestive issues and fever

While officials expect the GI tag to boost branding, tourism interest and cooperative-based marketing of Baobab products, the report notes that no dedicated government conservation programme exists yet for the species, and its medicinal properties remain scientifically undocumented—gaps that the GI recognition could help spur action on.

Prelims Pointers

• Khurasani Imli — the fruit of the Baobab tree, recently awarded a GI tag; grown in the Mandu region of Madhya Pradesh.
• Baobab tree — scientific name Adansonia digitata; native to Africa, not indigenous to India.
• GI-granting authority — the Geographical Indications Registry, located in Chennai.
• Registry’s parent body — functions under the Controller General of Patents, Designs and Trade Marks (CGPDTM), under DPIIT, Ministry of Commerce & Industry.
• Governing law — Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999, in force since 2003.
• GI validity — 10 years, renewable indefinitely; it is a non-transferable, collective community right.
• India’s first GI tag — Darjeeling Tea, registered in 2004–05.
• TRIPS linkage — India’s GI framework fulfils its obligations under Articles 22–24 of the WTO’s TRIPS Agreement.
• Mandu’s Baobab population — over 1,000 trees, India’s largest naturally occurring concentration.
• Historical origin — believed introduced to Mandu about six centuries ago by Afghan and Arab traders.
• Distinguishing physical feature — enormous water-storing trunk and an inverted-tree-like branch structure.
• Traditional/medicinal use — pulp, juice and bark used by tribal healers for digestive ailments, fever and fatigue.
• GI protection scope — strictly territorial; protects the product only within India unless separately registered abroad.

Mains Practice Question

Geographical Indication (GI) tags are increasingly used in India as instruments of both cultural preservation and rural livelihood generation. Discuss, with suitable examples.

GS Paper 3 · 150 words · 10 marks

MCQ

Consider the following statements:

• Assertion (A): Khurasani Imli, the fruit of the Baobab tree, recently received a Geographical Indication (GI) tag.
• Reason (R): The Baobab tree from which the fruit is harvested is indigenous to the Mandu region of Madhya Pradesh.

Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

• ABoth A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A
• BBoth A and R are true, but R is NOT the correct explanation of A
• CA is true, but R is false
• DA is false, but R is true

Answer: C

Khurasani Imli did receive a GI tag, so Assertion A is true. However, the Baobab tree is not indigenous to India—it is native to Africa and is believed to have been introduced to Mandu roughly six centuries ago by Afghan and Arab traders, so Reason R is false.

Article 04

Centre Fixes Wage Floor Under VB-G RAM G, Replacing MGNREGA; States Face Sharply Higher Funding Burden

GS Paper 2 — Governance / Centre-State Relations

Why in News

The Central government has notified a floor wage of ₹300 per day under the Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) [VB-G RAM G] Act, 2025, which took effect from July 1, 2026, replacing the two-decade-old Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), 2005. Alongside the wage notification, an independent analysis points to a fundamental restructuring of the Centre-State funding pattern that could sharply raise States’ financial burden under the new scheme.

Static Background

• MGNREGA, in force since 2005, guaranteed 100 days of demand-driven wage employment per rural household per year, with the Centre bearing the bulk of the cost under a funding split popularly understood to be around 90:10.
• Wage rates were revised periodically by the Centre for each State/UT under MGNREGA.
• In 2019, an Expert Committee headed by Dr Anoop Satpathy, constituted by the Union government itself, had recommended a national minimum wage floor of ₹375/day—a benchmark still cited in current wage debates.

What Changes Under VB-G RAM G

• A national wage floor of ₹300/day; the 21 States and UTs that were paying below this level under MGNREGA have been raised to ₹300, while States already above ₹300 received smaller increases.
• Guaranteed employment is extended to 125 days a year, up from 100 days under MGNREGA.
• The scheme moves from a purely demand-driven model to one where the Union government fixes a “normative allocation”—a budget ceiling—for each State based on centrally prescribed parameters.
• The Centre-State funding pattern shifts from roughly 90:10 to about 60:40, with States now also fully responsible for any spending beyond the normative allocation, for unemployment allowance (if the guaranteed days of work cannot be provided), and for compensation on delayed wage payments.

Key Facts

Indicator	Figure
New national floor wage	₹300/day
States with the biggest wage hikes	Uttar Pradesh (+₹48), Bihar (+₹45), Madhya Pradesh (+₹39), Rajasthan (+₹19)
Highest State wage rates	Haryana ₹409, Goa ₹406, Kerala ₹401 (Sikkim has a special ₹450 rate for certain panchayats)
Smallest increase	Telangana — up just ₹1, from ₹307 to ₹308 (0.33%)
Interim Central allocation for 2026-27	₹95,692.31 crore
Old vs new funding pattern	~90:10 (Centre:State) under MGNREGA → ~60:40 under VB-G RAM G
Projected rise in States’ expenditure	Up to ~600% compared with 2024-25 actuals, per an independent analysis
States’ minimum estimated 2026-27 spend	At least ₹51,000 crore, versus about ₹7,700 crore spent in 2024-25 (excludes West Bengal)
Pending Central dues to States (2025-26)	₹20,422 crore

Reactions

• Union Minister for Rural Development and Agriculture & Farmers’ Welfare Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan said the objective was to ensure no eligible rural worker remains without work even for a day, though the government has faced past criticism for not consistently delivering the full guaranteed days of employment.
• Congress General Secretary Shri Jairam Ramesh criticised the new wage floor as inadequate, reiterating the party’s “Shramik Nyay” demand for a national minimum wage of ₹400/day for all workers, including those under the rural employment guarantee.

Beyond the headline wage revision, the more consequential change flagged by analysts is structural: the shift from a demand-driven, Centre-funded guarantee to a normatively-capped, cost-shared one could reshape fiscal federalism in rural welfare delivery, with several States facing multi-fold increases in their share of the burden.

Prelims Pointers

• VB-G RAM G — Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025; replaced MGNREGA, 2005, effective July 1, 2026.
• New national floor wage — ₹300 per day.
• Guaranteed employment days — raised to 125 days/year, up from 100 days under MGNREGA.
• Highest notified State wage — Haryana at ₹409/day (excluding Sikkim’s special ₹450 rate for certain panchayats).
• Key structural shift — from a demand-driven scheme to one with a Centre-fixed “normative allocation” per State.
• Funding pattern change — from roughly 90:10 to about 60:40 (Centre:State), raising States’ fiscal burden.
• Anoop Satpathy Committee (2019) — a Union government-appointed panel that had recommended a ₹375/day national minimum wage floor.
• Union Minister overseeing the scheme — Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Minister for Rural Development and Agriculture & Farmers’ Welfare.
• Opposition demand — Congress’s “Shramik Nyay” programme calls for a ₹400/day national minimum wage for all workers.
• Interim Central allocation for States (2026-27) — ₹95,692.31 crore.
• New liabilities shifted fully to States — unemployment allowance (if 125 days cannot be provided) and delayed-payment compensation.
• Projected State expenditure rise — estimated to increase up to six-fold compared with 2024-25 actual spending.
• Pending Central dues — ₹20,422 crore owed to States as of 2025-26 under the earlier scheme.

Mains Practice Question

The transition from MGNREGA to the Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) marks a shift from a demand-driven to a normatively-allocated rural employment guarantee framework. Examine the implications of this shift for cooperative federalism and fiscal burden-sharing between the Centre and the States.

GS Paper 2 · 250 words · 15 marks

MCQ

Consider the following statements regarding the Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) [VB-G RAM G], 2025:

• 1. It has replaced the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005.
• 2. It shifts the Centre-State funding pattern from approximately 90:10 to about 60:40.
• 3. It guarantees a uniform wage of exactly ₹300 per day across all States and Union Territories.

How many of the above statements are correct?

• AOnly one
• BOnly two
• CAll three
• DNone

Answer: B

Statements 1 and 2 are correct. Statement 3 is incorrect: ₹300 is only a floor wage; several States such as Haryana, Goa and Kerala have notified higher wage rates above ₹400/day.

Article 05

Arunachal Clan Launches Drive to Conserve Endangered Ray-Finned Fish, Sustain Community Fishing Tradition

GS Paper 3 — Biodiversity Conservation

Why in News

Members of the Sangno clan in Arunachal Pradesh’s East Kameng district have translocated fingerlings of an endangered Himalayan ray-finned fish into a mountain stream, aiming to shield the species from a predatory mahseer while making the clan’s traditional community fishing practice sustainable in the long run.

Static Background

• The mahseer, often called the “tiger of the water,” is a prized sport fish across Himalayan and sub-Himalayan rivers and can prey heavily on smaller native fish sharing its habitat.
• To counter this, the Sangno clan translocated 52 fingerlings of Schizothorax pelzami—commonly the Transcaspian marinka, locally “Ngarsing” in the Nyishi language—from the Lapabung stream at Talo village to a stretch of the Richaso stream at Weshi village that the mahseer cannot access.
• This improves the smaller species’ chances of survival and breeding, insulated from predation.

Key Facts

Detail	Description
Species translocated	Schizothorax pelzami (Transcaspian marinka); local name ‘Ngarsing’
Community	Sangno clan, East Kameng district, Arunachal Pradesh
Number of fingerlings moved	52
Source stream	Lapabung stream, Talo village (Bameng circle)
Destination stream	Richaso stream, Weshi village (Pakoti circle)
Elevation / distance	~3,400 ft average elevation; villages about 20 km apart
Threat addressed	Predation by mahseer, the ‘tiger of the water’
Follow-up conservation step	Proposed 5-year fishing ban in the Richaso stream to allow population recovery

Village headman Gajali Sangno has proposed a five-year blanket fishing ban in the Richaso stream to let the population reach a level sufficient for community fishing to resume, with longer-term plans for eco-angling and stream-trail trekking tourism—an example of indigenous, community-led biodiversity management complementing formal conservation efforts in India’s Northeast.

Prelims Pointers

• Schizothorax pelzami — commonly known as the Transcaspian marinka; the species translocated in this initiative.
• Local name — called ‘Ngarsing’ in the Nyishi language; belongs to the carp family.
• Community involved — the Sangno clan of East Kameng district, Arunachal Pradesh.
• Fingerlings translocated — 52, moved from the Lapabung stream to the Richaso stream.
• Threat being addressed — predation by the mahseer, often called the ‘tiger of the water’ in Himalayan rivers.
• Conservation method — translocation to a stream stretch inaccessible to the predator species.
• Proposed protective measure — a 5-year blanket fishing ban in the Richaso stream.
• Cultural context — the initiative supports the Sangno clan’s traditional practice of community fishing.
• Long-term community goals — eco-angling and stream-trail trekking tourism.
• Location — East Kameng district, Arunachal Pradesh, within the Eastern Himalayan biodiversity landscape.
• Village elevation — both villages sit at roughly 3,400 feet, about 20 km apart.
• Broader relevance — an example of indigenous, community-led conservation complementing formal wildlife protection efforts.

Mains Practice Question

Indigenous, community-led conservation initiatives often complement formal wildlife protection frameworks in India’s biodiversity-rich Northeast. Discuss with a suitable example.

GS Paper 3 · 150 words · 10 marks

MCQ

Which one of the following statements about the recent fish conservation initiative in Arunachal Pradesh is correct?

• AThe initiative aims to protect the mahseer, a predatory fish, from population decline
• BThe Sangno clan translocated fingerlings of Schizothorax pelzami to a stream stretch inaccessible to the mahseer
• CThe initiative was undertaken with formal support from the IUCN SSC Freshwater Fish Specialist Group
• DThe translocated species is native to Peninsular India’s Western Ghats

Answer: B

The Sangno clan moved 52 fingerlings of Schizothorax pelzami into a stretch of the Richaso stream that the predatory mahseer cannot reach, improving the smaller species’ survival chances—it is the mahseer that threatens this species, not the other way around, and the species is Himalayan, not from the Western Ghats.

Article 06

Why Has the Government Notified a New Set of Telecom Rules?

GS Paper 3 — Science & Technology / Infrastructure

Why in News

The government has this month notified a fresh set of rules under the Telecommunications Act, 2023—covering authorisation for principal, captive, and miscellaneous telecommunication services—marking a further step in replacing India’s colonial-era telecom licensing framework with a simplified “authorisation” regime.

Static Background

• The Telecommunications Act, 2023 was enacted to consolidate and simplify a set of frequently amended older laws, principally the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885, along with the Wireless Telegraphy Act, 1933.
• Its central objective is largely simplification rather than a wholesale change in day-to-day operations for telecom users.
• In drafting the parent Act, the government also secured expanded powers, including a broad definition of “telecommunication” that could potentially be used to bring messaging apps within the regulatory net.
• This reading was given some weight by an earlier attempt by the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) to have WhatsApp periodically log users out of its web interface and bind every account to a SIM card as an anti-spam measure.

What the New Rules Do

• Replace the bulk of the existing telecom licensing framework with an “authorisation” regime, simplifying paperwork for telecom operators and Internet Service Providers.
• Add anti-spam compliance as a formal obligation under the parent Act.
• Allow existing licence holders to migrate to the new regime now, or continue under their existing licences until they expire.

Provisions Notified Earlier

• Renaming of the Universal Service Obligation Fund—into which telecom operators pay to help fund infrastructure in commercially unviable, remote areas—as the Digital Bharat Nidhi.
• Retention of senior officials’ powers to issue phone- and internet-interception (tapping) orders, despite pushback from industry and civil society groups.
• Powers allowing the government to seize telecom infrastructure on grounds of national security or during war.

Unresolved Issues

• The Act recognises satellite internet, but the final notified Rules dropped explicit references to Global Mobile Personal Communications by Satellite (GMPCS) that had appeared in the earlier draft.
• This comes even as Starlink, the world’s largest satellite internet provider, continues to await regulatory approval to launch services in India.
• Reports suggest the government remains cautious about its ability to fully control such services once operational, citing their use in other countries in defiance of local authorities.
• Legal experts have also noted that significant operational detail—such as the “track record” criteria for authorisation and applicable exemption thresholds—is still awaited.

The Telecommunications Act, 2023 continues to be notified in phases rather than all at once. While this month’s rules simplify the licensing-to-authorisation transition for operators, key questions around satellite communication, messaging-app regulation, and the balance between security powers and privacy remain only partially settled.

Prelims Pointers

• Telecommunications Act, 2023 — replaces the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 and the Wireless Telegraphy Act, 1933.
• New Rules notified (2026) — cover authorisation for Principal, Captive, and Miscellaneous Telecommunication Services.
• Key terminology shift — the term ‘licence’ is replaced by ‘authorisation’ for telecom operators and ISPs.
• Universal Service Obligation Fund (USOF) — renamed the Digital Bharat Nidhi under the new framework.
• Expanded government power — a broad statutory definition of ‘telecommunication’ that could extend to messaging apps.
• Anti-spam obligation — formally added as a statutory requirement under the Act.
• Security-related power — government retains authority to seize telecom infrastructure on national security or war grounds.
• Interception powers — senior officials retain authority to issue phone- and internet-tapping orders.
• GMPCS — Global Mobile Personal Communications by Satellite; explicit references were dropped from the final notified Rules.
• Satellite internet context — Starlink, the world’s largest satellite internet provider, still awaits launch approval in India.
• Migration option — existing operators/ISPs can move to the authorisation regime now or continue until their current licence expires.
• DoT — Department of Telecommunications; earlier sought measures such as periodic re-login for messaging apps as an anti-spam step.
• Implementation status — several operational details, including ‘track record’ criteria and exemption thresholds, remain pending.

Mains Practice Question

The Telecommunications Act, 2023 marks a shift from a licensing to an authorisation-based regulatory regime for India’s telecom sector. Discuss the significance of this shift, along with the concerns it raises regarding regulatory overreach and privacy.

GS Paper 3 · 250 words · 15 marks

MCQ

Which one of the following statements regarding the Telecommunications Act, 2023 and its associated Rules is NOT correct?

• AIt replaces the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885
• BIt renames the Universal Service Obligation Fund as the Digital Bharat Nidhi
• CThe newly notified Rules explicitly retain references to GMPCS satellite communication
• DIt empowers the government to seize telecom infrastructure on national security or war grounds

Answer: C

The final notified Rules actually removed the explicit references to GMPCS that had appeared in the draft version, leaving the satellite-communication framework less defined—making statement C the incorrect one. The other three statements are accurate.

Article 07

Over 99% of Births and Deaths Registered in 2024: CRS Report

GS Paper 1 — Population & Associated Issues

Why in News

The Civil Registration System (CRS) 2024 report, released this week, shows birth and death registration coverage in India has crossed 99%, with modest improvement in sex ratio at birth in several States—even as performance across States and Union Territories remains uneven.

Static Background

• The CRS report is compiled by the Office of the Registrar General of India (ORGI), Ministry of Home Affairs, under the Registration of Births and Deaths (RBD) Act, 1969 (amended in 2023), which makes registration of births, deaths and still births mandatory.
• Sex ratio at birth—the number of female births per 1,000 male births—is closely tracked because a ratio skewed well below the biological norm can point to sex-selective practices during pregnancy.
• This is a concern India has historically struggled with, despite legal safeguards such as the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act.

Key Facts

Indicator	Figure
National sex ratio at birth (2024)	917 females per 1,000 males
Best-performing State/UT	Arunachal Pradesh — 1,050 females per 1,000 males
Other strong performers	Andaman & Nicobar Islands (984), Meghalaya (974), Mizoram (972), Kerala (970)
Weakest performers	Nagaland and Lakshadweep (865 each), Jharkhand (890)
Birth registration level (2024)	99.1%
Death registration level (2024)	99.4%
Registered births	Rose from 2.52 crore (2023) to 2.54 crore (2024)
Registered deaths	Rose from 86.6 lakh (2023) to 89.4 lakh (2024)
Still births recorded (2024)	81,117, with 69% occurring in urban areas

Historical Context

• India’s child sex ratio has historically shown a masculine skew in several northern States.
• In the 2011 Census, Haryana (834) and Punjab (846) recorded the country’s lowest child sex ratios, prompting sustained policy attention over the past decade.
• The steady rise in registration coverage seen in the CRS 2024 report does not, by itself, indicate rising fertility or mortality—it reflects the system capturing a fuller picture of vital events.

A near-universal civil registration system strengthens the evidence base for demographic and welfare planning, but the persistent State-wise gap in sex ratio at birth signals that legal and administrative measures against sex-selective practices still require sustained, region-specific attention.

Prelims Pointers

• CRS 2024 report — published by the Office of the Registrar General of India (ORGI), Ministry of Home Affairs.
• Governing law — Registration of Births and Deaths (RBD) Act, 1969, amended in 2023.
• National sex ratio at birth (2024) — 917 females per 1,000 males.
• Best performer — Arunachal Pradesh, with 1,050 females per 1,000 males.
• Weakest performers — Nagaland and Lakshadweep, both at 865 females per 1,000 males.
• Birth registration level (2024) — 99.1%.
• Death registration level (2024) — 99.4%.
• Registered births (2024) — 2.54 crore, up from 2.52 crore in 2023.
• Registered deaths (2024) — 89.4 lakh, up from 86.6 lakh in 2023.
• Still births recorded (2024) — 81,117, with 69% occurring in urban areas.
• Historical low performers (Census 2011) — Haryana (834) and Punjab (846) recorded India’s lowest child sex ratios.
• PCPNDT Act — the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, India’s key legal safeguard against sex-selective practices.
• States above the 90% threshold — 13 States recorded over 90% birth registration; 15 States over 90% death registration.

Mains Practice Question

A near-universal civil registration system is a precondition for evidence-based governance, yet regional disparities in sex ratio at birth persist in India. Discuss the significance of the Civil Registration System and the socio-legal measures needed to address skewed sex ratios.

GS Paper 1 · 150 words · 10 marks

MCQ

As per the Civil Registration System (CRS) 2024 report, which of the following States/UTs recorded the most favourable sex ratio at birth (highest number of females per 1,000 males)?

• AKerala
• BMeghalaya
• CArunachal Pradesh
• DMizoram

Answer: C

Arunachal Pradesh recorded 1,050 females per 1,000 males in the CRS 2024 report, the highest among States/UTs cited, ahead of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands (984), Meghalaya (974), Mizoram (972) and Kerala (970).