In-Depth PIB Analysis4 Items Core TopicImportantConcise Social Justice & Welfare SchemesGS Paper II 01PM-AJAY: Scheme for SC Empowerment Economy & InfrastructureGS Paper III 02Green Highways: Greening the NH Network03GARC Testing Upgrade under PM E-DRIVE Science & TechnologyGS Paper III 04Bio-Bitumen from Rice Straw Social Justice & Welfare SchemesGeneral Studies Paper II 01 PM-AJAY: One Umbrella for Villages, Livelihoods and Hostels for Scheduled Castes GS-II · Welfare Schemes for Vulnerable Sections; Government PoliciesPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment · Backgrounder, 28 Sep 2026 PM-AJAY merged three older schemes for Scheduled Castes into a single, 100% centrally sponsored programme in 2021–22. A new mobile app and portal now aims to move its planning, fund release and monitoring fully online. ◈ Static Background — Constitutional Basis for SC Welfare Article 341: the President notifies the list of Scheduled Castes for each State/UT; Parliament alone can modify it by law. Article 46 (DPSP): the State shall promote the educational and economic interests of SCs and STs and protect them from social injustice. Article 17: abolishes untouchability; given effect by the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Article 338: National Commission for Scheduled Castes (separated from the joint SC/ST commission by the 89th Amendment, 2003). Population: SCs are 16.6% of India’s population — about 20.1 crore (Census 2011). Planning lineage: the Special Component Plan (1979–80), renamed the Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan (SCSP) in 2006, earmarked plan funds in proportion to the SC population. ▤ Scheme at a Glance Full name: Pradhan Mantri Anusuchit Jaati Abhyuday Yojna. Launched: FY 2021–22; 100% centrally sponsored. Nodal Ministry: Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment. Merged schemes: Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana (PMAGY), Special Central Assistance to SCSP, and Babu Jagjivan Ram Chhatrawas Yojana (BJRCY). Three aims: reduce poverty through employment and skills; improve socio-economic indicators in SC-dominated areas; raise literacy and enrolment. Village eligibility: ≥40% SC population and total population ≥500. Individual priority (GIA): families with annual income up to ₹2.5 lakh. Digital tools: PM-AJAY Mobile App and PM-AJAY Portal for end-to-end, real-time workflow. Figure 1 — From three schemes to one: the PM-AJAY architecture ERSTWHILE SCHEMESCOMPONENTS TODAYPMAGYmodel villages (2009–10)SCA to SCSPlivelihood grants to StatesBJRCYhostels for SC studentsPM-AJAYFY 2021–22100% centrally sponsoredAdarsh Gram18,093 villages declaredGrants-in-Aid₹1,730+ cr (FY22–FY26)Hostels785 hostels completed Each old scheme maps onto one component: PMAGY → Adarsh Gram, SCA to SCSP → grants-in-aid, BJRCY → hostels. Progress by component Adarsh Gram: 47,243 villages covered, benefiting over 47.79 lakh people; 27,032 Village Development Plans prepared and 46,944 works completed. 18,093 villages declared Adarsh Grams as on 8 September 2026. Grants-in-Aid: over ₹1,730 crore released to States (FY 2021–22 to 2025–26) for livelihood, skilling and infrastructure projects, reaching 2.5 lakh+ individual and group beneficiaries. Hostels: 785 hostels completed; ₹61.46 crore sanctioned for 2026–27 for two hostels (one each for girls and boys) housing 264 students. Figure 2 — PM-AJAY: key milestones Headline outputs as on 8 September 2026. Image courtesy PIB (source: Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment); reproduced with credit for educational use. The digital layer The PM-AJAY Portal is meant to replace paper-based processing with a real-time digital workflow — linking fund release to physical progress and giving officials a single view from the village to the national level. Figure 3 — What the PM-AJAY Portal does Milestone-linked fund flows, three-tier dashboards and an MIS for grants-in-aid. Image courtesy PIB (source: Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment); reproduced with credit for educational use. The critical view Coverage vs completion: only about 38% of covered villages (18,093 of 47,243) have been declared Adarsh Grams so far. Scale of grants: ₹1,730 crore over five years is modest for a population of about 20 crore; much SC welfare depends on State budgets and wider central allocations. Hostel gap: sanctioning two hostels (264 seats) for a year is small against demand from rural SC students in higher education. Outputs vs outcomes: reporting counts villages, works and hostels, but not changes in income, learning or health — the scheme’s stated goals. Area targeting: the 40% SC-population threshold misses SC households in mixed villages and in urban areas. Digital divide: app-based workflows depend on the capacity of gram panchayats and district staff to use them. ✎ Mains Practice Question Consolidating fragmented schemes into umbrella programmes improves administrative efficiency but may dilute focus. Examine this statement with reference to PM-AJAY, and suggest how its outcomes for Scheduled Castes can be better measured. 15 marks · 250 words Economy & InfrastructureGeneral Studies Paper III 02 Green Highways: Can India’s Road Boom Grow Its Green Cover Too? GS-III · Infrastructure (Roads); Environment — Conservation, PollutionPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Road Transport & Highways · Backgrounder, 28 Sep 2026 India’s National Highway network has grown by about 61% since 2014. The Government says it is now pairing expansion with plantation targets, survival benchmarks, recycled materials and satellite monitoring of green cover. ◈ Static Background National Highways: declared under the National Highways Act, 1956; developed by MoRTH through NHAI (set up under the NHAI Act, 1988), NHIDCL and State PWDs. Road network: India has the world’s second-largest road network; NHs carry a far larger share of traffic than their share of road length. Green Highways (Plantation, Transplantation, Beautification and Maintenance) Policy, 2015: set aside 1% of the civil cost of NH projects for plantation and maintenance. Compensatory afforestation: required when forest land is diverted under the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 (now the Van (Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan) Adhiniyam); funds are managed under the CAMPA Act, 2016. ▤ Policy at a Glance — Green Highways Policy, 2015 Aims: a framework for NH plantation; trees and shrubs as sinks for air pollutants and dust; arrest soil erosion on embankment slopes; moderate wind and radiation; create local employment. Implementers: Self Help Groups, private agencies, State Forest Departments, Forest Corporations and contractors. Monitoring: a Plantation Cell through NHAI regional offices, now supplemented by drone and satellite monitoring. Scale: over 3.61 crore saplings planted along about 1.32 lakh km of NHs in the last five years (as of July 2026). Methods: Miyawaki dense plantations; tree transplantation and compensatory afforestation where felling is unavoidable. Figure 4 — Network growth and NHAI’s new plantation compliance rule National Highway length (km)201491,287Mar 20261,46,572≈ +61%NHAI guidelines (Sep 2026): when plantation counts as complete≥ 80%of plantation RoW covered≥ 90%sapling survival at inspectionProvisionalcompletion certificate+The same 90% survival benchmark applies through the Operations & Maintenance period,with timely replacement of saplings that die. Tying survival, not just planting, to project completion is the key shift. RoW = Right of Way, the land legally required for a highway. Beyond planting: materials and biodiversity Recycled and waste-derived inputs: fly ash and pond ash in embankments; Reclaimed Asphalt Pavement (RAP), C&D waste, plastic waste, steel slag and crumb rubber in suitable works. Bio-bitumen: a farm-residue-based binder developed by CSIR labs (see Item 03). Pollinator corridors: the “Trees for Bees” campaign along the Delhi–Amritsar–Katra Expressway uses flowering native species for year-round nectar and pollen. State example: Andhra Pradesh planted about 18 lakh seedlings along NHs in 2010–2025 and targets 3.86 lakh more in 2026–27. Incentives: NHAI’s Green Highways Excellence Awards (instituted 2025) give the highest weight to plantation survival. The critical view Saplings are not trees: planting counts cannot replace the ecological value of mature trees felled for widening; carbon and shade benefits take decades. Survival data: independent verification of survival rates is limited; the new 90% rule will need credible third-party audits. Species choice: avenue planting has often favoured fast-growing or ornamental exotics over native, site-specific species. Fragile terrain: in the Himalaya and Western Ghats, the bigger issues are slope cutting, landslides and habitat fragmentation, which plantation does not address. Wildlife crossings: animal underpasses and overpasses (as on NH-44 through the Pench landscape) matter as much as roadside greenery. ✎ Mains Practice Question “Growth need not come at the expense of green cover.” Critically evaluate India’s Green Highways approach in reconciling rapid road expansion with environmental sustainability. 15 marks · 250 words 03 GARC Chennai Upgrades EV, Crash and ADAS Testing under PM E-DRIVE GS-III · Industry — Automobiles, EVs; Infrastructure; S&TPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Heavy Industries · 28 Sep 2026 The Global Automotive Research Centre (GARC) at Oragadam, Chennai, has been allocated ₹221.13 crore under PM E-DRIVE to build testing capacity for EV batteries, crash safety, ADAS and heavy commercial vehicles. ◈ Static Background — Vehicle Testing in India Homologation: certifying that a vehicle model meets national standards for safety, emissions and road-worthiness before sale. Rule 126, Central Motor Vehicles Rules, 1989: designates authorised testing agencies — including ARAI (Pune), ICAT (Manesar), GARC (Chennai) and NATRAX (Indore). NATRiP: the National Automotive Testing and R&D Infrastructure Project created GARC, ICAT Manesar and NATRAX. AIS standards: Automotive Industry Standards, notified by MoRTH; AIS-156 covers safety of EV traction batteries in two- and three-wheelers; AIS-004 Part 3 covers electromagnetic compatibility (EMC). Bharat NCAP (2023): India’s star rating programme for car crash safety — needs high-quality crash test facilities. ▤ PM E-DRIVE at a Glance Full name: PM Electric Drive Revolution in Innovative Vehicle Enhancement. Ministry: Ministry of Heavy Industries; GARC works under the National Automotive Board. Outlay: ₹10,900 crore, including ₹780 crore to upgrade testing agencies. Tenure: operational up to 31 March 2028. Other components: demand incentives for e-2Ws, e-3Ws, e-trucks and e-ambulances, support for e-buses, and public EV charging. Predecessor: FAME India scheme (FAME-I 2015, FAME-II 2019). ₹221.13 cr Allocated to GARC ₹780 cr For all testing agencies under PM E-DRIVE 3,000 fps Full HD crash imaging (4K up to 750 fps) Facilities being added or upgraded EV and battery testing to AIS-156, and EV EMI/EMC testing to AIS-004 Part 3 Rev.1. Heavy Commercial Vehicle testing and powertrain laboratory upgrade. Advanced passive safety — crash dummies and calibration equipment; high-speed imaging to capture deformation, occupant movement and airbag deployment. ADAS testing with instruments and soft targets (dummy vehicles and pedestrians for collision-avoidance tests). Status: purchase orders placed for almost all equipment; installation has begun. Why it matters — and the gaps Safety: the 2022 e-scooter fires led to stricter AIS-156 battery norms; domestic testing capacity is needed to enforce them. Speed to market: more labs cut homologation queues for EV and ADAS models. Road safety: India records about 1.7 lakh road deaths a year; better crash testing supports safer vehicle design. Gaps: much of the advanced test equipment is imported; utilisation and skilled staff will decide whether the capacity pays off. ✎ Mains Practice Question Discuss the role of indigenous testing and certification infrastructure in India’s transition to electric and technologically advanced vehicles. How does PM E-DRIVE address this need? 10 marks · 150 words Science & TechnologyGeneral Studies Paper III 04 Bio-Bitumen: Turning Rice Straw into Road Binder GS-III · S&T — Indigenous Technology; Environment — Stubble Burning; InfrastructurePrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Road Transport & Highways / Ministry of Science & Technology · 28 Sep 2026 A CSIR technology that converts post-harvest rice straw into bio-oil — blended with petroleum bitumen for road building — was transferred to industry in January 2026. It targets two problems at once: bitumen imports and stubble burning. ◈ Static Background Bitumen: a sticky, black mixture of hydrocarbons obtained from crude-oil refining; it binds aggregates in flexible (asphalt) pavements. India imports nearly 50% of its requirement. Pyrolysis: thermal decomposition of organic matter at high temperature in the absence of oxygen, yielding bio-oil, combustible gas and biochar. Stubble burning: burning of paddy residue after the kharif harvest, mainly in Punjab and Haryana (October–November), is a major contributor to winter air pollution in the NCR. Developers: CSIR-Central Road Research Institute (CRRI), New Delhi, and CSIR-Indian Institute of Petroleum (IIP), Dehradun. Technology transfer: licensing of research know-how and IP from labs to public or private users for commercial production. Figure 5 — From rice straw to bio-bitumen A 20–30% bio-oil blend can replace an equal share of the petroleum-based binder. Image courtesy PIB (source: Ministry of Science & Technology); reproduced with credit for educational use. Figure 6 — One process, several value streams Rice strawpelletsPyrolysishigh heat,no oxygenBio-oil → bio-binderblended with bitumen for roadsGaseous fuelenergy for the processBio-pesticide fractionsagricultural useHigh-grade carbonbatteries, water purification Multiple saleable outputs improve the economics of collecting straw that would otherwise be burnt. Key points Technology: “Bio-Bitumen via Pyrolysis: From Farm Residue to Roads”, transferred in January 2026. Field trial: a 100-metre stretch laid on the Jorabat–Shillong Expressway (NH-40), Meghalaya. Next step: integration into national highway construction standards is planned. Government claim: India is the first country to scale bio-bitumen to industrial and commercial levels within the same year. Significance and challenges Import substitution: replacing 20–30% of petroleum binder cuts crude-linked imports and price exposure. Air quality: gives farmers a market for paddy straw, complementing in-situ (Happy Seeder) and ex-situ (biomass power, 2G ethanol) residue management. Performance risk: long-term behaviour under heavy traffic, heat and monsoon moisture needs multi-season data; 100 metres is a pilot. Supply chain: straw is seasonal and bulky; collection, baling and storage costs decide viability. Standards: contractors will adopt it only once it is written into IRC/MoRTH specifications. ✎ Mains Practice Question Bio-bitumen from crop residue has been presented as a solution to both import dependence and stubble burning. Examine its potential and the challenges in scaling it up. 10 marks · 150 words

Editorials, Opinions & Explained2 Items Core TopicImportantConcise EditorialsThe Paper’s Own View 01RTI Exemption Order: Transparency Under Strain OpinionsSigned Op-Eds 02Food Loss and Waste: India’s Opportunity EditorialsThe Paper’s Own View · GS II 01 Keeping the Right to Information Strong: Lessons from a Withdrawn Exemption Order Core TopicEditorialGS-II · Governance — Transparency & Accountability, RTI, Statutory BodiesPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Editorial (“Light on truth”) The Tamil Nadu government issued an order placing its Public (Law and Order) Department outside the RTI Act, and then withdrew it after protests. The episode shows how easily a transparency law can be weakened through a notification rather than an amendment. ◈ Static Background — The RTI Act, 2005 in Brief Constitutional root: the Supreme Court has held that the right to know is part of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) (State of U.P. v. Raj Narain, 1975). Origins: grassroots campaigns such as the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) in Rajasthan; the Act replaced the Freedom of Information Act, 2002, which was never brought into force. In force: fully from 12 October 2005. How it works: a Public Information Officer (PIO) must reply within 30 days — or 48 hours where life or liberty is involved (Section 7). Appeals go first within the department and then to an Information Commission (Section 19). Penalty: up to ₹250 a day, capped at ₹25,000, on a PIO for unjustified delay or denial (Section 20). Watchdogs: the Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions (Sections 12 and 15) — each with a Chief and up to 10 Information Commissioners. ◈ What Happened 21 September: a Government Order (G.O.) under Section 24(4) notified the department as an “intelligence and security organisation”, so the Act would not apply to it. From 22 September: officials reportedly began citing the order to refuse information — before the order was even public (27 September). Government’s explanation: the aim was only to protect sensitive district-level inquiries, for example into communal clashes. Outcome: after protests by political parties and transparency activists, the order was withdrawn, without a stated reason. Two ways to withhold information under the RTI Act The Act already allows secrecy where it is truly needed. The key difference is scale: Section 8 judges each piece of information, while Section 24 removes a whole organisation from the Act. Figure 1 — Section 8 vs Section 24: case-by-case refusal versus blanket exclusion Section 8 — Exemptionsapplies to a piece of information• Security, sovereignty, strategic interests• Would endanger life or reveal a source• Would impede an investigation• Unwarranted invasion of privacy• Decided case by case by the PIOPublic-interest override (8(2)):disclose if public interest outweighs harmSection 24 — Exclusionapplies to a whole organisation• Intelligence and security bodies only• Centre: listed in the Second Schedule• States: by notification (24(4))• Must be laid before the StateLegislature (24(5))Still disclosable: information oncorruption and human rights violations Section 8 is a scalpel; Section 24 is a wall. Using the wall for an administrative department is what drew criticism. The editorial’s argument, simply put Wrong tool: sensitive details can already be withheld under Section 8; a blanket exclusion under Section 24 was unnecessary. Wrong category: Section 24 is meant for intelligence and security organisations, not a general administrative department. Wrong process: the order was used before it was made public, and it required scrutiny by the Legislature. Bigger pattern: delays, vague refusals and weak Information Commissions already limit citizens’ access. ▤ The Wider Pressures on RTI Backlogs: the Satark Nagrik Sangathan report card (2024–25) found over 41,000 pending appeals and complaints before the Tamil Nadu SIC (June 2025). Vacancies: the TN SIC works with only 4 of 8 sanctioned Commissioners and no Chief. In Anjali Bhardwaj v. Union of India (2019), the Supreme Court directed timely and transparent appointments. RTI (Amendment) Act, 2019: let the Centre decide the tenure and salaries of Information Commissioners — seen as reducing their independence. DPDP Act, 2023: amended Section 8(1)(j) to exempt all personal information, removing the earlier public-interest test for it. Positive precedent: in CPIO, Supreme Court v. Subhash Chandra Agarwal (2019), the office of the Chief Justice of India was held to be a public authority under the Act. Way forward Use Section 8 narrowly and give written reasons for each refusal. Fill vacancies in Information Commissions on time, including the post of Chief. Proactive disclosure under Section 4, so fewer citizens need to file requests at all. Legislative oversight: every Section 24 notification should be debated, not just tabled. ✎ Mains Practice Question “The Right to Information Act is being weakened less by amendments than by administrative practice.” Critically examine this statement with reference to exemptions under the Act and the functioning of Information Commissions. 15 marks · 250 words OpinionsSigned Op-Eds · GS II & III 02 Food Loss and Waste: Turning a Hidden Cost into a Triple Win Core TopicOpinionGS-III · Agriculture — Post-Harvest Management, Food Processing, StorageGS-III · Environment — Waste Management, ClimateGS-II · Food SecurityPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Op-Ed (Konda Reddy Chavva, FAO India) India grows enough food for its 1.4 billion people, yet a sizeable share is lost between farm and market or wasted in shops, restaurants and homes. The article argues that reducing both can improve food security, cut emissions and raise incomes at the same time. ◈ Static Background — Key Concepts Food loss: food that is lost after harvest and up to (but not including) retail — during drying, storage, transport and processing. Food waste: food discarded at the retail, food-service and household levels. SDG Target 12.3: by 2030, halve per-capita food waste at retail and consumer levels and reduce food losses along production and supply chains. Global measures: the Food Loss Index (custodian: FAO) and the Food Waste Index (custodian: UNEP). International Day of Awareness of Food Loss and Waste: 29 September, designated by the UN General Assembly in 2019 and first observed in 2020. Global scale: about 13% of food is lost between harvest and retail (FAO), and about 19% of food available to consumers is wasted (UNEP Food Waste Index Report 2024). Figure 2 — Where food is lost or wasted, and what India measures FOOD LOSSFOOD WASTEFarm &harvestStorage &transportProcessingRetailHotels &restaurantsHouseholds✓ Well measured in IndiaThree national post-harvest loss surveys(2005–07, 2012–14, 2020–22)→ feeds the SDG Food Loss Index✗ Major data gapLittle national data on waste inretail, food service and homes→ weak basis for SDG 12.3 waste target India is strong on measuring loss but weak on measuring waste — the article’s first policy priority is to close this gap. India’s evidence base — a global first India is the only country to have run three national post-harvest loss surveys, through the Ministry of Food Processing Industries (MoFPI): 45 commodities (2005–07), 45 (2012–14) and 54 (2020–22). A fourth round is under way. The 2020–22 round (by NABCONS) valued annual post-harvest losses at about ₹1.53 lakh crore, with the highest loss rates in fruits and vegetables — perishable crops that need cold chains. The “triple win” Food security and nutrition: more of what is grown reaches people, especially perishable, nutrient-rich foods. Resources and climate: lost food wastes the land, water, fertiliser and energy used to grow it; rotting food in landfills releases methane, a potent greenhouse gas. Incomes and productivity: farmers and traders sell more of their produce and get better prices. Wholesale markets — an overlooked resource FAO and COSAMB (Council of State Agricultural Marketing Boards) found that large wholesale markets can generate up to 100 tonnes of organic waste a day. Nationally, this adds up to about 3.5 million tonnes a year. If treated, it could offset about 3.3 million tonnes of CO₂-equivalent a year — close to US$30 million in carbon credits. Model: a 50-tonne-a-day bio-CNG plant in Surat, run through a private partnership for over five years, reportedly avoids about 7,500 tonnes of methane-related emissions a year. ▤ Government Schemes to Connect PM Kisan SAMPADA Yojana (MoFPI): food parks, integrated cold chains and processing capacity. Operation Greens (2018): started for Tomato, Onion, Potato, later widened to other perishables. Agriculture Infrastructure Fund (2020, ₹1 lakh crore): financing for post-harvest infrastructure such as warehouses and cold storage. GOBARdhan and SATAT (2018): turning organic waste into compressed biogas. Carbon Credit Trading Scheme (2023): a possible route to monetise emission reductions. What the article recommends Close data gaps on waste at retail, food-service and household levels. Direct finance to high-impact technologies — drying, moisture control, energy-efficient cooling and storage. The FAO–SIDBI partnership links loss hotspots with these technologies and arranges loans for small firms. Circular approach: redistribute surplus food; convert unavoidable residues into compost, biogas or energy. Cities: an FAO “Package of Practices” to help municipalities measure, prevent, reduce, redistribute and valorise food waste. Mainstreaming: build loss reduction into agricultural, food-processing, urban and climate policy. Critical assessment Strength: treats waste as a resource and links it to climate finance, not just to charity or behaviour change. Affordability: small and marginal farmers (over 85% of holdings) often cannot pay for storage or cooling without pooled models such as FPOs and cooperatives. Energy for cold chains: cooling must be energy-efficient and, ideally, solar-powered, or it adds to emissions. Carbon credit estimates depend on reliable measurement and on how India’s carbon market develops. ✎ Mains Practice Question India is often described as food-surplus yet nutrition-insecure. Discuss how reducing food loss and waste can strengthen food security, farm incomes and climate action, and suggest measures to address the gaps in data and infrastructure. 15 marks · 250 words

In-Depth News Analysis7 Items Core TopicImportantConcise Polity & GovernanceGS Paper II 01Ladakh: Proposed Article 371-K02Judicial Officers & High Court Elevation03SC on Women’s Safety in Delhi-NCR Internal SecurityGS Paper III 04AFSPA Extended in Manipur, Nagaland & Arunachal Health, Society & GenderGS Paper I & II 05NFHS-6: Contraception & the Gender Gap Economy & InfrastructureGS Paper III 06India’s First LNG Train & Kavach Rollout Ethics (GS-IV)GS Paper IV 07Case Study: Shared Responsibility in Family Planning Polity & GovernanceGeneral Studies Paper II 01 A New Governance Model for Ladakh: Sixth Schedule Demand vs the Proposed Article 371-K GS-II · Polity — Federalism, Union Territories, Special Provisions, Scheduled AreasPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Explainer Ladakh’s groups have long demanded Sixth Schedule status. The Ministry of Home Affairs has instead proposed inserting a new Article 371-K to give the Union Territory a directly elected legislative body — a sui generis model that raises new constitutional questions. ◈ Static Background — How Ladakh Got Here J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019: split the State into two UTs from 31 October 2019 — J&K with a legislature and Ladakh without one. UT administration (Article 239): a UT is governed by the President through an Administrator — in Ladakh, a Lieutenant Governor. Local bodies: the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Councils — Leh (1995) and Kargil (2003) — handle local development, but have no legislative powers. Population profile: over 90% of Ladakh’s people are Scheduled Tribes (Census 2011), with distinct languages and customary practices. Local concerns: protection of land, jobs, culture and language, and a meaningful political voice. Figure 1 — The Union Territories of Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh Ladakh (blue) comprises the Leh and Kargil districts and borders China and Pakistan-occupied areas — hence the Centre’s security concerns. Map supplied; depicts boundaries as per India’s official position. Reproduced for educational use. ◈ Static Background — Sixth Schedule and Article 371 Sixth Schedule (Articles 244(2) and 275(1)): applies only to tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram — mostly “Excluded” or “Partially Excluded” areas of colonial Assam. Autonomous District Councils: up to 30 members (up to 26 elected, 4 nominated by the Governor); can make laws on land, forests, inheritance, marriage and customs. There are 10 such councils today. Governor’s role: can create, merge or alter Autonomous Districts by notification. Fifth Schedule (Article 244(1)): Scheduled Areas in other States, with a Tribes Advisory Council but no legislative autonomy. Article 371 series (371 to 371-J): special provisions for particular States — e.g., 371-A (Nagaland), 371-G (Mizoram), 371-J (Hyderabad–Karnataka region, 98th Amendment, 2012). UT precedents: Article 239A (legislature for Puducherry, 1962) and Article 239AA (Delhi, 69th Amendment, 1991). Figure 2 — Three models for Ladakh Current modelsince 2019• UT without legislature• Governed by the LG(Article 239)• Hill Councils in Lehand Kargil — no law-making powerWeak local voiceSixth Schedulelocal demand• Autonomous DistrictCouncils (Art. 244(2))• Laws on land, forests,customs, inheritance• So far used only infour north-eastern StatesCentre: security concernsArticle 371-KCentre’s proposal• Directly electedlegislative body• Placed above the HillCouncils; panchayats stay• LG’s role and financialpowers not yet definedNeeds amendment (Art. 368) The proposal tries to give representation without the territorial autonomy of the Sixth Schedule. Is the proposal constitutionally valid? Flexible federalism: the Supreme Court has described Indian federalism as flexible — federal in normal times, unitary in an emergency (State of Rajasthan v. Union of India, 1977). Precedent: Parliament has already created special arrangements for UTs through Articles 239A and 239AA, so a tailored model for Ladakh is permissible. Procedure: inserting Article 371-K needs a constitutional amendment under Article 368 by a special majority of Parliament. Open questions Division of power: what will the elected body control, and what remains with the LG? Money: without financial autonomy, an elected body may have responsibility without resources. Protection of land and culture: will the body be able to legislate on land transfer and customary law — the core of the Sixth Schedule demand? Acceptance: the model will succeed only if Ladakh’s Leh and Kargil groups see it as meeting their concerns. ✎ Mains Practice Question Examine whether the Sixth Schedule or a special provision under a new Article 371-K is better suited to address Ladakh’s demands for cultural protection and political representation, keeping in view its strategic location. 15 marks · 250 words 02 From Trial Courts to High Courts: Why Few Judicial Officers Make It to the Higher Bench GS-II · Polity — Judiciary: Appointments, Subordinate Courts, CollegiumPrelims + MainsThe Hindu The elevation of seven district judges to the Delhi High Court has drawn attention to a long-standing imbalance: judges promoted from the subordinate judiciary hold only about one-fifth of High Court posts, despite decades of trial experience. ◈ Static Background — Constitutional Framework Article 217: a High Court judge must have held judicial office for 10 years or been an advocate of a High Court for 10 years — two streams, Bar and Service, with no fixed ratio. Convention: about two-thirds from the Bar and one-third from the judicial service. Article 233: district judges are appointed by the Governor in consultation with the High Court. Article 235: the High Court controls the subordinate courts. Article 50 (DPSP): separation of the judiciary from the executive — the basis for independent State judicial services. Collegium system: from the Second Judges Case (1993) and Third Judges Case (1998); the NJAC was struck down in 2015. Retirement age: 62 for High Court judges and 65 for Supreme Court judges. Figure 3 — Share of High Court judges drawn from the judicial service (%) One-third norm (33.3%)Tripura40%Himachal Pradesh35.29%Delhi31.67%All High Courts*~20.9%Bombay17.02%Odisha15.15%Telangana11.90%Uttarakhand9.09%Chhattisgarh9.09%Sikkim0% *All High Courts: 233 service judges against a sanctioned strength of 1,114. Only three High Courts meet or approach the one-third norm. Why the bottleneck exists Slow climb: officers join as civil judges in their late twenties; about 10 years to become senior civil judge and another decade to become district judge. Late elevation: most enter the zone of consideration in their late fifties, leaving only a few years before retirement at 62. Supreme Court: no sitting Supreme Court judge today began in the trial judiciary; the last was appointed in August 2021 and retired in June 2025. Colonial legacy: trial courts were once run by executive officers; independent State judicial services developed only after the Constitution separated the judiciary from the executive. Supreme Court’s 2023 order: declined to fix a 50% service quota, but asked High Courts to recommend service-cadre names before vacancies arise. Balanced view For more service judges: long records of judgments, integrity and performance are already available, making appointments faster; better career prospects would attract talent to trial courts. For the Bar stream: senior advocates bring constitutional and appellate experience and wider perspectives, and serve longer tenures. Possible reforms: earlier recommendation of eligible officers; a transparent ratio in the Memorandum of Procedure; raising the High Court retirement age to 65 (proposed in the 114th Amendment Bill, 2010, which lapsed); an All India Judicial Service under Article 312. ✎ Mains Practice Question The under-representation of judicial officers in the High Courts affects both the morale of the subordinate judiciary and the quality of justice. Discuss the reasons and suggest reforms in the appointment process. 15 marks · 250 words 03 Supreme Court Takes Suo Motu Cognisance of Lapses in Women’s Safety in Delhi-NCR GS-II · Polity — Fundamental Rights, Judicial Activism; Governance — PolicingGS-I · Society — Women’s IssuesPrelims + MainsThe Hindu After a series of sexual assaults on minors and women in parks, buses and public spaces, the Supreme Court held that the right to live free from the fear of violence is part of Article 21, and directed the Delhi Police to act within four weeks. ◈ Static Background Suo motu cognisance: the court acts on its own, without a formal petition — rooted in its powers under Article 32 and Article 142 (complete justice), and the tradition of Public Interest Litigation. Article 21: the right to life includes the right to live with dignity (Francis Coralie Mullin, 1981). Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997): guidelines on sexual harassment at work, later the POSH Act, 2013. Nirbhaya Fund (2013): finances women’s safety projects, including the Safe City Projects in eight cities, one of which is Delhi. Police: “police” and “public order” are State List subjects, but Delhi Police reports to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs. What the Court directed Identify vulnerable pockets and step up patrolling. Audit lighting and CCTV coverage in public spaces within four weeks. File a detailed response on safety measures in parks, educational institutions and places frequented by women and children. Public spaces such as parks, buses and Metro stations must not become “zones of high risk” because of poor lighting and lax patrolling. Significance and limits Right to safe public space: links safety to the fundamental right to life, not just to crime control. Prevention over punishment: focuses on environmental design — lighting, visibility, patrols — rather than only on harsher penalties. Limits: courts can direct but not run policing; lasting change needs police staffing, women personnel, last-mile transport and faster trials. ✎ Mains Practice Question “Safety in public spaces is a precondition for women’s equal citizenship.” In the light of recent judicial directions, discuss the preventive measures needed to make Indian cities safer for women. 10 marks · 150 words Internal SecurityGeneral Studies Paper III 04 AFSPA Extended for Six More Months in Parts of Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh GS-III · Internal Security — Security Challenges in Border Areas, Role of Security ForcesGS-II · Fundamental RightsPrelims + MainsThe Indian Express · The Times of India After reviewing the law-and-order situation, the Ministry of Home Affairs has extended the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, in specified areas of three north-eastern States for six months from 1 October 2026, to 31 March 2027, keeping the status quo on areas covered. ▤ Where AFSPA Now Applies Manipur: the whole State is “disturbed” except areas under 13 police stations in five districts. Nagaland: nine districts — Dimapur, Niuland, Chumoukedima, Mon, Kiphire, Noklak, Phek, Peren and Meluri. Arunachal Pradesh: certain districts, largely in the east bordering Myanmar and Assam. Related: the commander-in-chief of the banned United Kuki National Army was arrested in Aizawl in a joint operation by the Assam Rifles and the Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau. ◈ Static Background — AFSPA from Basics Origin: modelled on the Armed Forces Special Powers Ordinance, 1942; enacted in 1958 to deal with the Naga insurgency. Section 3: an area may be declared “disturbed” by the Centre or the Governor/Administrator; after 1972, the Centre too can declare it. Section 4: officers may fire after due warning, even causing death, against those breaking the law; arrest without warrant; and enter and search without a warrant. Section 6: no prosecution of personnel without the Centre’s sanction. J&K: covered under a separate AFSPA (J&K), 1990. Withdrawn: from Tripura (2015) and Meghalaya (2018); areas were cut back significantly in Assam, Nagaland and Manipur from April 2022. Figure 4 — How AFSPA works, and the checks on it Section 3Area declared “disturbed”by Centre or GovernorReviewed every 6 monthsSection 4Fire after warningArrest without warrantSearch without warrantSection 6No prosecution withoutthe Centre’s sanctionJudicial and expert checks• Naga People’s Movement (1997): upheld the Act; minimum force; Do’s and Don’ts binding• Jeevan Reddy Committee (2005): recommended repeal and folding powers into the UAPA• EEVFAM v. Union of India (2016): no absolute immunity — excessive force must be investigated AFSPA is a law of exception: wide powers, balanced by periodic review and judicial scrutiny. Balanced view Security case: continued ethnic violence in Manipur, armed groups operating across the porous Myanmar border, and the need to protect forces operating in hostile terrain. Rights case: allegations of extra-judicial killings and alienation of local people; a law meant to be temporary has lasted over six decades. Middle path: phased withdrawal tied to measurable improvement, stronger State police, time-bound decisions on prosecution sanction, and political dialogue with armed groups. ✎ Mains Practice Question “The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act has outlived its purpose in parts of the North-East, yet cannot be withdrawn everywhere.” Critically examine, suggesting a roadmap for its phased withdrawal. 15 marks · 250 words Health, Society & GenderGeneral Studies Papers I & II 05 Family Planning Remains a Woman’s Burden: NFHS-6 Data and WHO’s Push for Male Contraceptives GS-II · Health — Population Policy, Family PlanningGS-I · Society — Population, Women’s IssuesPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Data Point The WHO has issued new guidelines to widen contraceptive choices and, for the first time, a Target Product Profile for reversible male contraceptives. The timing matters for India, where NFHS-6 (2023–24) shows that men carry almost none of the contraceptive responsibility. ◈ Static Background — India’s Population Policy Journey 1952: India became the first country to launch a national family planning programme. 1975–77 (Emergency): coercive sterilisation drives — heavily targeting men — created a lasting backlash against vasectomy. 1996: shift to a target-free approach; ICPD, Cairo (1994) placed reproductive rights and choice at the centre. National Population Policy, 2000: aimed at replacement-level fertility (TFR 2.1) and long-term population stabilisation. Mission Parivar Vikas (2016): expanded access to contraceptives in high-fertility districts. NFHS: conducted by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare with the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai as nodal agency. Terms: TFR = average children per woman; unmet need = women who wish to avoid pregnancy but use no method. 69.1% Married women (15–49) using any method (66.7% in NFHS-5) 36.5% Female sterilisation (37.9% in NFHS-5) 0.5% Male sterilisation (0.3% in NFHS-5) +6 pp Rise in traditional methods — the largest change Figure 5 — Contraceptive use among currently married women aged 15–49 (%) NFHS-5 (2019–21)NFHS-6 (2023–24)Any method66.769.1Modern methods56.452.7Traditional methods*10.316.4Female sterilisation37.936.5Male sterilisation0.30.5 *Traditional = any method − modern method (rhythm/fertility awareness, withdrawal). Use has risen, but the shift is towards less reliable methods, and male sterilisation barely registers. Data: NFHS-5, NFHS-6. Three decades of imbalance Female sterilisation rose from 27.4% in NFHS-1 (1992–93) and has stayed at about 36–38% since NFHS-3. Male sterilisation fell from about 3.5% to just 0.5% over the same period. Figure 6 — Female vs male sterilisation, NFHS-1 to NFHS-6 The gap has widened over 30 years. Image courtesy The Hindu Data Team; data: NFHS. Reproduced with credit for educational use. State-wise picture Male sterilisation rose in 22 States between NFHS-5 and NFHS-6, but only Telangana (2% → 3.6%) gained more than one percentage point. Even States that reached low fertility early did not break the pattern. Figure 7 — The ten States with the largest rise in male sterilisation Even the “top gainers” remain below 2%, except Telangana. Image courtesy The Hindu Data Team; data: NFHS. Reproduced with credit for educational use. Why the gap persists Social norms: contraception is seen as a woman’s responsibility; myths link vasectomy to loss of strength or masculinity. Historical memory: the Emergency-era drives left deep distrust of male sterilisation. Programme design: incentives and camps have focused on tubectomy; few male health workers promote vasectomy. Medical fact: vasectomy — especially no-scalpel vasectomy — is simpler, done under local anaesthesia, and has fewer complications than female sterilisation. Way forward Use the WHO Target Product Profile (safety, effectiveness, acceptability, affordability) to back Indian research on male methods such as RISUG. Counselling for couples, male outreach workers and awareness campaigns to counter myths. Expand reversible options for both partners, so the rise in traditional methods does not raise unintended pregnancies. ✎ Mains Practice Question India has achieved replacement-level fertility, but the burden of contraception continues to fall almost entirely on women. Analyse the reasons and suggest measures to promote shared responsibility in family planning. 15 marks · 250 words Economy & InfrastructureGeneral Studies Paper III 06 India’s First LNG-Powered Train and a ₹1,542-Crore Railway Package in Gujarat GS-III · Infrastructure — Railways; Energy; Environment — EmissionsPrelims + MainsThe Times of India A Union Minister flagged off India’s first LNG-powered train at Sabarmati, Gujarat, along with projects worth over ₹1,542 crore on safety, line capacity and freight. ◈ Static Background LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas): natural gas (mainly methane) cooled to about −162°C, shrinking to about 1/600th of its volume. It burns cleaner than diesel, with lower CO₂, NOx and particulate emissions. Railway electrification: Indian Railways has electrified nearly its entire broad-gauge network and targets net-zero emissions by 2030; diesel now serves mainly non-electrified and special services. Kavach: an indigenous Automatic Train Protection system developed by RDSO, certified to Safety Integrity Level 4 (SIL-4); it brakes automatically if the driver fails to act, preventing collisions and over-speeding. Automatic block signalling: divides a line into short sections with automatic signals, letting more trains run safely on the same track. WAG-12: a 12,000 HP electric freight locomotive built at Madhepura, Bihar, under Make in India. ~40% Diesel that LNG can replace in the dual-fuel system 404 km Kavach in Ahmedabad division (₹411 cr) 122.57 km Automatic block signalling (₹118.83 cr) 300 WAG-12 locos served by new ₹700-cr shed The package in brief LNG train: two 1,400 HP Driving Power Cars at the Sabarmati depot converted to a diesel–LNG dual-fuel system. Kavach: 157 km of Ahmedabad–Palanpur and 247 km of Ahmedabad–Samakhiyali. Line doubling: Sabarmati–Sarkhej (21 km, ₹313.27 crore) by March 2028, improving access towards the Dholera industrial region. Assessment Transition fuel: LNG cuts emissions and cost on routes that cannot yet be electrified, but it is still a fossil fuel and largely imported. Safety first: Kavach coverage is still a small fraction of India’s network of over 68,000 route km; faster rollout is the real priority after recent accidents. Freight share: high-power locomotives and doubling help Railways regain freight share lost to roads. ✎ Mains Practice Question Discuss how technology adoption — from alternative fuels to automatic train protection — can help Indian Railways meet its twin goals of safety and net-zero emissions. 10 marks · 150 words Ethics, Integrity & AptitudeGeneral Studies Paper IV 07 Case Study: Promoting Vasectomy in a District Where No Man Opts for It GS-IV · Gender Justice, Persuasion, Public Service ValuesMains-orientedThe Hindu · Data Point As a District Health Officer, you are told to raise male participation in family planning. Almost all sterilisations in your district are tubectomies; men cite myths about weakness, and some local leaders oppose the campaign. Ethical issues Gender justice: women bear the health risks of contraception almost alone. Autonomy vs targets: pressure to show numbers must not slide into coercion, as in the Emergency era. Informed consent: people must get accurate, complete information, including on reversibility and side-effects. ▤ Ethics toolkit Values: empathy, integrity, respect for autonomy, non-maleficence. Tools of persuasion: trusted local voices (men who have had the procedure), couple counselling, doctors’ outreach — not incentives that distort choice. Thinkers: Amartya Sen — development as expanding capabilities and freedoms; Kant — treat people as ends, never merely as means to a target. ✎ Mains Practice Question As a District Health Officer tasked with increasing male participation in family planning, how would you balance programme targets with individual autonomy and informed consent? Identify the ethical issues and outline your strategy. 20 marks · 250 words