In-Depth PIB Analysis3 Items Core TopicImportantConcise Economy & InfrastructureGS Paper III 01Geothermal Energy: National Policy 2025 & the Puga Valley Wells Science & TechnologyGS Paper III 02Ultraluminous X-ray Source NGC 4490 ULX-8 Environment & EcologyGS Paper III 03Biosphere Reserves in India & the MAB Programme Economy & Infrastructure — EnergyGeneral Studies Paper III 01 Geothermal Energy in India: The National Policy (2025) and the First Geothermal Wells at Puga Valley, Ladakh Core TopicGS-III · Infrastructure — Energy, Renewable EnergyGS-I · Geography — Interior of the EarthPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of New & Renewable Energy · PIB Backgrounder, 2 Nov 2026 India is attempting to move geothermal energy from a mapped resource to a field-tested one: after the National Policy on Geothermal Energy was notified in September 2025, the ONGC Energy Centre commissioned the country’s first two geothermal wells at Puga Valley, Ladakh, in July 2026. ◈ The Basics — Where Geothermal Heat Comes From Geothermal energy is the heat stored within the Earth’s interior. It has two sources: primordial (residual) heat left over from the planet’s formation about 4.6 billion years ago, and heat released continuously by the radioactive decay of isotopes of uranium, thorium and potassium. Layers of the Earth: a rigid crust; the mantle, solid rock that deforms and convects slowly over geological time (its upper weak zone, the asthenosphere, is partially molten); a liquid outer core; and a solid inner core. Temperatures: the backgrounder places the core–mantle boundary at roughly 3,700 °C and the core at 5,000–6,000 °C. Geothermal gradient: temperature rises with depth, on average about 25–30 °C per km in continental crust, and far more steeply in tectonically active zones. Mantle convection drives plate tectonics — earthquakes, volcanism and mountain building. Along faults, fractures, rifts and collision zones, heat rises close enough to the surface to be tapped. Reservoir formation: groundwater percolating down is heated and trapped in permeable, fractured rock beneath an impermeable cap rock; where it escapes it appears as hot springs, fumaroles and geysers. From Underground Heat to Electricity Wells bring hot water and steam to the surface, the steam spins a turbine coupled to a generator, and the cooled fluid is reinjected to sustain reservoir pressure. The cycle resembles a thermal power plant, with natural heat replacing fuel combustion. Figure 1 — How a hydrothermal geothermal power system works Separatorsteam | brineTurbine +GeneratorCondenser /CoolingPower to grid →Production well(hot fluid up)Injection well(fluid returned)Overlying rock — well depths typically 1–3 km(Puga test wells: 1,000 m each)Impermeable cap rock — traps heat and fluidReservoir: hot water & steam in fractured, permeable rockHot basement rock — heat conducted up from depthHeat source: radioactive decay (U, Th, K) + primordial heat ↑ Reinjected fluid is reheated as it moves through the reservoir back towards the production well — which is why a well-managed field behaves as a renewable source. Legacy IAS schematic; not to scale. Figure 2 — The geothermal power chain: hot water → turbine → generator → cooling → transmission The sequence of the power chain is the takeaway here. One correction for answer-writing: wells tap reservoirs in the crust, typically 1–3 km deep — not the mantle, which begins tens of kilometres below the surface. Image courtesy PIB (AI-generated illustration); reproduced with credit for educational use. Plant Types and Uses — The Prelims Vocabulary Dry steam plants: steam from the reservoir drives the turbine directly. Geothermal electricity was first generated at Larderello, Italy, in 1904. Flash steam plants: high-pressure, high-temperature water is depressurised (“flashed”) into steam — the most common design worldwide. Binary cycle plants: moderate-temperature water heats a second, low-boiling-point working fluid in a closed loop (an Organic Rankine Cycle). This suits the low-to-medium enthalpy resources that dominate India. Direct use: district and space heating, greenhouses, aquaculture, crop drying and desalination, without converting heat into electricity. Ground Source Heat Pumps (GSHPs): use the stable temperature of shallow ground for building heating and cooling; usable almost anywhere, not only in hot-spring zones. Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS): create artificial permeability in hot, dry rock by hydraulic stimulation. Advanced Geothermal Systems (AGS) circulate fluid through sealed, closed-loop wells. India’s Resource Base The Geological Survey of India (GSI) — established in 1851, under the Ministry of Mines — has mapped 381 hot springs across 10 geothermal provinces. It puts India’s theoretical potential at about 10.6 GW (10,600 MW) and identifies 42 sites as promising for power and direct use. 381Hot springs mapped (GSI) 10Geothermal provinces ~10.6 GWTheoretical potential 42Promising sites 15.67 GWGlobal installed, end-2025 The 10 provinces: Himalayan, Naga–Lusai, Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Son–Narmada–Tapi (SONATA), West Coast, Cambay Graben, Aravalli, Mahanadi, Godavari and the South Indian Cratonic region. Why these places: the Himalayan collision zone and the Andaman volcanic arc carry high heat flow. Rift and graben basins such as SONATA, Cambay, Mahanadi and Godavari have deep faults that channel heat upward. Sites to remember: Puga, Chumathang (Ladakh); Manikaran, Tattapani (Himachal Pradesh); Tapoban (Uttarakhand); Tattapani (Chhattisgarh); Unhavare (Maharashtra); Tuwa (Gujarat); Bakreshwar (West Bengal); Surajkund (Jharkhand); Manuguru (Telangana). Figure 3 — GSI-identified geothermal sites across India Sites cluster along the Himalayan arc and the central Indian rift belts — note the two separate Tattapanis, in Himachal Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Image courtesy PIB (source: MNRE); reproduced with credit for educational use. ◈ Place in News — Puga Valley Location: the Changthang region of eastern Ladakh, at over 14,000 ft (about 4,270 m); part of the Himalayan geothermal province. Features: hot springs, steam vents and surface deposits of borax and sulphur; long regarded as India’s most promising high-temperature field. 2026 milestone: two wells, each 1,000 m deep, commissioned by the ONGC Energy Centre (ONGC’s research arm for non-conventional energy) for reservoir evaluation. Next step: a planned 1 MW demonstration power project (stated plan) — which would be India’s first geothermal electricity generation. ▤ Policy at a Glance — National Policy on Geothermal Energy, 2025 Instrument: National Policy on Geothermal Energy, notified by the Union Government in September 2025. Nodal Ministry: Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE). Outlay: no dedicated outlay is stated in the release; R&D is routed through MNRE’s Renewable Energy Research and Technology Development (RE-RTD) programme. Scope: exploration, drilling, reservoir management, power generation and direct-use applications (heating, cooling, agriculture, desalination), including GSHPs. Key provisions: repurposing abandoned oil and gas wells; geo-solar hybrids; support for EGS and AGS; a national geothermal data repository; pilot projects; Centres of Excellence. Participation: a regulatory framework for public and private players, joint ventures, and partnerships with oil & gas companies, States and global geothermal bodies. R&D pipeline: five projects sanctioned by MNRE between July and August 2025, covering resource assessment, indigenous technology and field demonstration. International cooperation: geothermal identified as a focus area with Australia and Iceland, and in an MoU with Saudi Arabia. Linked goals: Net Zero by 2070 and India’s renewable energy targets (policy objective). Figure 4 — Key highlights of the National Policy on Geothermal Energy (2025) The policy’s distinctive features are reuse of oil-and-gas infrastructure, hybrid and next-generation technologies, and a public–private ecosystem. Image courtesy PIB (source: MNRE); reproduced with credit for educational use. Lineage — What Has Changed Then: the GSI began systematic surveys of hot springs such as Puga, Manikaran and Tattapani in the 1970s. For five decades, pilot proposals did not reach commercial generation, and geothermal stayed outside India’s capacity targets, which centred on solar and wind. Now: a dedicated national policy, a nodal ministry, a public-sector oil-and-gas company with deep-drilling capability, and the first deep wells drilled for reservoir testing. Global context: installed capacity reached 15.67 GW by end-2025. Indonesia, the US, the Philippines, Türkiye and New Zealand together hold about 67%. Iceland and Kenya (Olkaria, in the East African Rift) show how geology-rich countries build a significant share of their energy on geothermal. Why It Matters Firm, round-the-clock clean power: output is weather-independent, with high capacity factors. It complements variable solar and wind and reduces the need for storage. Energy security: an indigenous resource, relevant for a country that imports over 85% of its crude oil. Remote Himalayan regions: in cold deserts such as Ladakh, direct-use heating could reduce dependence on diesel and other transported fuels. Asset reuse: abandoned oil and gas wells and the sector’s drilling skills can lower exploration costs. Small land footprint compared with solar parks and hydro reservoirs. The Critical View Exploration risk and upfront cost: drilling is the largest cost, and dry or low-yield wells are common. After more than a century of use worldwide, global capacity is still only about 15.67 GW. Resource quality: the 10.6 GW figure is a theoretical potential, not a proven, bankable reserve. Most Indian sources are low-to-medium enthalpy, which limits power output to modest binary plants. Difficult terrain: the Himalayan sites lie in high seismic zones, with short working seasons, poor access and fragile cold-desert ecosystems. Environmental concerns: non-condensable gases (CO₂, H₂S), mineral scaling and the risk of contaminating groundwater. Induced seismicity is a concern for EGS — South Korea’s 2017 Pohang earthquake (M 5.4) was linked by a government inquiry to an EGS project. Regulatory gaps: clarity is needed on resource rights, leasing and tariffs. Electricity is in the Concurrent List (Entry 38, List III), so Centre–State coordination is essential. Local and cultural stakes: many hot springs, such as Manikaran, are pilgrimage and tourism sites, so community consent and benefit-sharing matter. ✎ Mains Practice Question Geothermal energy can provide firm, low-carbon power, yet it has remained at the margins of India’s renewable energy strategy. Examine the potential of and constraints on geothermal energy in India, in the light of the National Policy on Geothermal Energy, 2025. 15 marks · 250 words Science & TechnologyGeneral Studies Paper III 02 24 Years of X-ray Data Point to a Super-Eddington Black Hole Behind Ultraluminous X-ray Source NGC 4490 ULX-8 ImportantGS-III · S&T — Space, AstrophysicsPrelims-orientedPIB · Ministry of Science & Technology (DST) · 2 Nov 2026 Analysing X-ray observations from 2000 to 2024, a team led by Indian astronomers concludes that ULX-8, among the brightest X-ray sources in the interacting galaxy pair NGC 4490/4485, is most likely powered by a stellar-mass black hole accreting matter at or beyond the Eddington limit. ◈ The Basics — Accretion, the Eddington Limit and ULXs X-ray binaries: a compact object — a neutron star or black hole — pulls gas from a companion star. The gas spirals inward in an accretion disc, heats to millions of degrees and emits X-rays. Eddington limit: the luminosity at which the outward pressure of radiation on infalling gas balances the inward pull of gravity. It rises with mass: about 1.3 × 10³⁸ erg/s per solar mass. Ultraluminous X-ray sources (ULXs): point sources outside a galaxy’s nucleus with X-ray luminosity above about 10³⁹ erg/s — more than a typical stellar-mass object should emit within the Eddington limit. Not to be confused with AGN: Active Galactic Nuclei are powered by supermassive black holes at galactic centres; ULXs are off-centre and far smaller. Three Competing Explanations for a ULX Intermediate-mass black hole (IMBH): a black hole of roughly 10²–10⁵ solar masses accreting below its (much higher) Eddington limit. Stellar-mass black hole, super-Eddington: a normal black hole fed so fast that it exceeds the limit through thick discs, strong winds and beaming. Neutron star, super-Eddington: confirmed for some ULXs by the discovery of pulsating ULXs. The first, M82 X-2, was found with NASA’s NuSTAR in 2014. Figure 5 — The Eddington balance and the three candidate engines of a ULX Accretion onto a compact objectCompanion starWinds / outflowsAccretion disc → X-raysEddington limitGravity pulls gas inRadiation pushes it outL(Edd) ≈ 1.3 × 10³⁸ erg/s per solar massWhat powers a ULX? Three modelsIntermediate-mass black hole~10²–10⁵ solar masses, below Eddington— no super-Eddington physics neededStellar-mass black hole ← ULX-8~5–100 solar masses, at/above Eddington— thick disc, winds and beamingNeutron star (pulsating ULXs)Strongly super-Eddington; X-ray pulsations— first found in M82 X-2 (NuSTAR, 2014)ULX: off-nuclear source, L(X) > ~10³⁹ erg/s The 24-year record favours the highlighted model for ULX-8. Legacy IAS schematic; not to scale. What the Study Found Data: archival and recent observations from Chandra (NASA), XMM-Newton (ESA) and Swift (NASA), spanning 2000–2024 — one of the longest X-ray records of this source. Persistent brightness: ULX-8 stayed exceptionally luminous throughout, though its brightness varied substantially. No state transitions: it did not show the dramatic switches between accretion states (e.g. “hard” and “soft” states) typical of ordinary black hole X-ray binaries. Its spectrum matched a persistently active ultraluminous accretion flow. Evolving conditions: long-term spectral changes indicate that accretion conditions around the compact object are changing over time. Verdict: the researchers present strong evidence for a stellar-mass black hole accreting at or beyond the Eddington limit. Figure 6 — False-colour X-ray images of NGC 4490/4485 with ULX-8 marked Left: Chandra; right: XMM-Newton (EPIC-pn and MOS1/2). ULX-8 sits away from the galaxy’s centre — the defining trait of a ULX. Image courtesy PIB / DST; reproduced with credit for educational use. ▤ Prelims Hooks Target: NGC 4490 (the “Cocoon Galaxy”), interacting with the smaller NGC 4485, in the constellation Canes Venatici. “NGC” stands for the New General Catalogue of nebulae and star clusters. Institutions: Indian Institute of Astrophysics (IIA) and Raman Research Institute (RRI), Bengaluru — both autonomous institutes of DST — with IUCAA (Pune) and IISER Mohali. Journal: Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society (MNRAS). Future missions: ESA’s NewAthena X-ray observatory (planned for the late 2030s) and India’s proposed timing and spectroscopy mission XSat. India’s current X-ray capacity: AstroSat (2015), India’s first dedicated multi-wavelength space observatory; and XPoSat (launched 1 January 2024), its first X-ray polarimetry mission. Why It Matters — and the Caveats Black hole growth: super-Eddington accretion is one proposed route by which black holes gain mass quickly — a question relevant to the early growth of supermassive black holes. Value of archives: the result rests on combining openly archived data from several missions over decades, a model for research by institutions without their own large telescopes. Indian astronomy: it adds to India’s growing output in high-energy astrophysics, building expertise for future national missions. Caveat: the conclusion is probabilistic (“most likely”). The absence of detected pulsations does not fully exclude a neutron star, and a definitive mass would require dynamical measurement of the companion star’s orbit. ✎ Mains Practice Question What are ultraluminous X-ray sources? Discuss how long-term, multi-mission observations help determine the nature of their compact objects, and the role that India’s space-based astronomy missions can play in such research. 10 marks · 150 words Environment & EcologyGeneral Studies Paper III 03 Biosphere Reserves in India: The MAB Framework, India’s Network of 18 Reserves, and the Conservation–Livelihood Balance Core TopicGS-III · Environment — Conservation, Protected AreasPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change · PIB Backgrounder, 2 Nov 2026 3 November is observed as the International Day for Biosphere Reserves. India has 18 notified Biosphere Reserves (BRs), of which 13 are in UNESCO’s World Network of Biosphere Reserves (WNBR) — the most in South Asia, according to the MoEFCC. ◈ Background — Biodiversity and the MAB Programme Levels of biodiversity recognised by the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) — opened for signature at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and in force since 1993: genetic (variation within a species, e.g. rice varieties), species and ecosystem diversity. India’s standing: one of the 17 megadiverse countries, holding about 7–8% of recorded species on 2.4% of the world’s land. It contains parts of 4 of the 36 global biodiversity hotspots: the Himalaya, Indo-Burma, the Western Ghats & Sri Lanka, and Sundaland (Nicobar Islands). Man and the Biosphere (MAB) Programme: launched by UNESCO in 1971 as an intergovernmental scientific programme to improve the relationship between people and their environment. Biosphere reserves are its “living laboratories” for sustainable development. Rulebook: the Seville Strategy and the Statutory Framework of the WNBR (1995). Sites undergo a periodic review every 10 years and remain under the sovereign jurisdiction of the country concerned. The Day: proclaimed by the UNESCO General Conference in 2021; first observed on 3 November 2022. Three Functions, Three Zones Every biosphere reserve pursues three linked functions: conservation of ecosystems, species, genetic resources and associated cultural diversity; sustainable economic development within ecological limits; and logistic (scientific) support — research, monitoring, education and training. Core area: a legally protected zone for long-term conservation, with only non-destructive research and monitoring. In India it usually coincides with a National Park or Wildlife Sanctuary. Buffer zone: surrounds or adjoins the core; permits activities compatible with conservation — research, environmental education, regulated ecotourism. Transition area: the outermost zone, with settlements, agriculture and sustainable resource use. It has no fixed outer boundary and is where communities, scientists and managers work together. Global average share: 18% core : 30% buffer : 52% transition — most of a reserve is meant for people, not exclusion. Figure 7 — The three zones of a biosphere reserve Protection is strictest at the centre and loosens outward, while human use increases outward. Image courtesy PIB (source: UNESCO); reproduced with credit for educational use. ◈ Biosphere Reserve vs National Park vs Wildlife Sanctuary National Park: declared under Section 35 of the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972; no rights or human activity other than those permitted; the highest protection status. Wildlife Sanctuary: declared under Section 18 of the same Act; certain rights (e.g. grazing) may be allowed. Biosphere Reserve: not created under any specific statute. It is designated by the Union Government under the national Biosphere Reserve programme (1986) and covers a whole landscape, including people. Legal protection comes from the PAs and forest laws within it. India’s Network Beginning: the first BR, the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve (1986), spans Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka; it was also the first Indian site in the WNBR (2000). 13 in the WNBR: Nilgiri (2000), Gulf of Mannar (2001), Sundarbans (2001), Nanda Devi (2004), Nokrek (2009), Pachmarhi (2009), Similipal (2009), Achanakmar–Amarkantak (2012), Great Nicobar (2013), Agasthyamalai (2016), Khangchendzonga (2018), Panna (2020) and Cold Desert, Himachal Pradesh (2025). 5 national-only BRs: Manas, Dibru-Saikhowa, Dehang-Dibang, Great Rann of Kutch and Seshachalam. Extremes: Great Rann of Kutch is the largest by area; Dibru-Saikhowa (Assam) is the smallest. World Heritage overlaps: Nanda Devi, Sundarbans and Khangchendzonga (India’s first “mixed” World Heritage Site, 2016) also carry World Heritage status. Figure 8 — Biosphere Reserves of India Starred sites are in UNESCO’s World Network. The map stars 12; per the MoEFCC count of 13, the latest addition, Cold Desert, is not yet starred. Image courtesy PIB (source: MoEFCC); reproduced with credit for educational use. 18Notified BRs 13In UNESCO’s WNBR 1971MAB launched 1986India’s first BR (Nilgiri) ▤ Scheme at a Glance — Biosphere Reserve Support Scheme: ‘Biodiversity Conservation’, a Centrally Sponsored sub-scheme under the umbrella scheme ‘Conservation of Natural Resources and Ecosystems’. Nodal Ministry: MoEFCC (Biosphere Reserve Division). Implementing agencies: State Forest Departments, following each reserve’s approved Management Plan. Funding pattern: grants-in-aid shared 60:40 (Centre : State); 90:10 for North-Eastern and Himalayan States. Integrated Management Plans (5-year), piloted since 2022–23: Nanda Devi (Uttarakhand), Pachmarhi (Madhya Pradesh), Dehang-Dibang (Arunachal Pradesh) and Agasthyamalai (Kerala & Tamil Nadu). Priorities: habitat restoration, biodiversity monitoring, scientific research and sustainable livelihoods, with reserve authorities, research institutions and communities working jointly. Case Study — The Lantana Elephants of the Nilgiris Lantana camara, a shrub native to tropical America and introduced to India as an ornamental during the colonial period, is now one of the country’s most damaging invasive alien species. It smothers native undergrowth, reduces fodder for herbivores and alters fire behaviour in forests. Indigenous communities in the Nilgiri BR turn uprooted Lantana into life-size elephant sculptures, furniture and crafts. In 2021, 125 such elephants were displayed in London; others have appeared at Bengaluru Airport and Rashtrapati Bhavan. Takeaway: invasive-species removal becomes a livelihood and an awareness tool — a useful Mains example of the BR idea, and of Target 6 of the Kunming–Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (cutting the introduction and establishment of invasive species by at least 50% by 2030). Why It Matters Landscape-scale conservation: BRs connect protected cores with the surrounding land used by people, supporting corridors and ecosystem services such as water, soil and climate resilience. Global commitments: contributes to the Kunming–Montreal GBF (2022) — especially Target 3 (“30×30”), conserving 30% of land and sea by 2030 — and to India’s updated National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan. Science and tradition: BRs are sites to combine traditional knowledge with modern monitoring. The Critical View Weak legal status: without a specific statute, the buffer and transition zones lack enforceable rules. In practice, protection often extends no further than the PAs inside. Overlapping designations: many BRs coincide with tiger reserves and national parks (e.g. Panna, Similipal, Achanakmar), so the BR label can become a relabelling of existing areas rather than a distinct management model. Thin people-centred component: the transition zone — the heart of the MAB idea — tends to get less attention than core protection. Links with the Forest Rights Act, 2006, Biodiversity Management Committees and People’s Biodiversity Registers under the Biological Diversity Act, 2002 are uneven. Limited funding: modest grants, dependence on the State share and release delays constrain management plans. Development and climate pressures: examples include debate over large development proposals in Great Nicobar, rising seas in the Sundarbans, and coral stress in the Gulf of Mannar. Way Forward Give BR zones clearer legal recognition, or bind them through State-level notifications and management rules. Scale up the Integrated Management Plans beyond the four pilots, with measurable biodiversity and livelihood indicators. Make community institutions — Gram Sabhas, BMCs, forest-rights holders — co-managers of buffer and transition zones. Build climate adaptation into management plans for coastal and Himalayan reserves, and keep reserves compliant with UNESCO’s periodic reviews. ✎ Mains Practice Question Biosphere reserves seek to reconcile biodiversity conservation with the livelihoods of local communities. Evaluate how far India’s biosphere reserve network has achieved this objective, and suggest measures to strengthen it. 15 marks · 250 words

Editorials, Opinions & Explained3 Items Core TopicImportantConcise EditorialsNewspaper’s own view 01Siang Upper Multipurpose Project & China’s Medog Dam OpinionsSigned op-eds 02Tamil Nadu & State Expenditure Reform (GFSM 2014)03Smaller Cities & Climate-Resilient Urban Growth EditorialsThe newspaper’s own view 01 Cascading Effect: The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, China’s Mega-Dam and the Land Rights of the Adi Community Core TopicEditorialGS-III · Infrastructure — Energy; Disaster ManagementGS-II · IR — India–China, Transboundary RiversGS-I · Geography — Drainage SystemPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Editorial The editorial argues that India’s proposed 11.2 GW (11,200 MW) Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP) in Arunachal Pradesh — conceived largely as a strategic buffer against China’s ~60 GW mega-dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo — cannot be pushed through by force. A project meant to protect national interest must still comply with the land rights and legal protections of the people it displaces. ◈ Static Background — The Brahmaputra River System Origin: the Chemayungdung glacier in the Kailash range of south-western Tibet, near Lake Mansarovar. In Tibet it is the Yarlung Tsangpo, flowing east along the northern flank of the Himalaya. The Great Bend: near Namcha Barwa (7,782 m) the river makes a sharp U-turn, cutting the Yarlung Tsangpo Grand Canyon, one of the deepest gorges on Earth. This steep drop is what makes the stretch attractive for hydropower. In India: it enters Arunachal Pradesh as the Siang (Dihang). Near Sadiya in Assam it is joined by the Dibang and Lohit and takes the name Brahmaputra. Downstream: in Bangladesh it is called the Jamuna; it merges with the Padma (Ganga) and the Meghna before reaching the Bay of Bengal. Total length is about 2,900 km. Key tributaries: right bank — Subansiri (its largest tributary), Kameng, Manas, Teesta; left bank — Dibang, Lohit, Burhi Dihing, Dhansiri, Kopili. Majuli, in Assam, is among the world’s largest river islands. Character: a braided river with one of the highest sediment loads in the world, fed mainly by the south-west monsoon and by tributaries that join below the Tibetan Plateau. Figure 1 — Location of the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project SUMP sits on the Siang shortly after the river enters India from Tibet — the first Indian stretch to feel any change in upstream flows. Map courtesy the source newspaper, 3 November 2026; reproduced with credit for educational use. Figure 2 — One river, three names, three countries: the upstream–downstream chain 1 · SourceChemayungdung glacier,Kailash range, SW Tibet2 · Yarlung TsangpoFlows east across Tibet;Zangmu dam (2015),run-of-river3 · The Great BendU-turn around Namcha Barwa;Medog cascade, ~60 GW(under construction)enters India (Arunachal Pradesh)4 · Siang / DihangUpper Siang district;SUMP, 11.2 GW (proposed)5 · Brahmaputra (Assam)Siang + Dibang + Lohitmeet near Sadiya6 · Jamuna (Bangladesh)Joins Padma & Meghna→ Bay of BengalChina (Tibet)IndiaBangladesh (lower riparian) India is a lower riparian to China and an upper riparian to Bangladesh — the same arguments India makes upstream can be made to it downstream. Legacy IAS schematic; not to scale. The Trigger — China’s Medog (Motuo) Project Scale: about 60 GW, roughly three times China’s Three Gorges Dam (22.5 GW). Construction formally began in July 2025 on the lower reaches of the Yarlung Tsangpo. Design: five cascading power stations exploiting a fall of roughly 2,000 m over about 50 km near the Great Bend. India’s concerns: the possibility that flows could be diverted (causing lean-season drought) or released suddenly (causing floods in Arunachal and Assam). China says there will be no downstream harm but has not shared engineering details. Earlier precedent: the Zangmu dam (operational since 2015) was China’s first large hydropower plant on the river. ▤ SUMP at a Glance Capacity: 11,200 MW (11.2 GW) — it would be India’s largest hydropower project. Location: the Siang river, Upper Siang district, Arunachal Pradesh. Type: a storage-based, multipurpose project — hydropower plus flood moderation and a water-security reserve against upstream releases. Operating idea under discussion: keeping the reservoir at about 70% so it can absorb unexpected surges. Affected people: mainly the Adi community, whose villages and farmland lie in the submergence and survey area. Status: at the survey / pre-feasibility stage, under local protest; survey teams have been deployed with security forces. India–China Water Diplomacy — What Exists, What Doesn’t No water-sharing treaty exists between India and China (contrast the Indus Waters Treaty, 1960 with Pakistan and the Ganga Water Treaty, 1996 with Bangladesh). Hydrological data MoUs: China has supplied flood-season data from upstream stations under MoUs first signed in 2002 and renewed periodically. The arrangement has been interrupted and renewal delayed. Expert Level Mechanism (ELM): set up in 2006 to discuss trans-border river issues; it has produced no binding commitments. Latest: China has agreed to share hydrological data during emergencies on humanitarian grounds — but not operational data for the mega-dam. International law: neither country is party to the UN Watercourses Convention, 1997 (in force 2014), which codifies equitable and reasonable utilisation and the no-significant-harm rule. The Editorial’s Core Argument The editorial accepts the strategic anxiety but questions the method. Deploying security forces to guard survey teams and invoking a State anti-unlawful-activities law against activists, it argues, confirms local fears that land will be taken. It treats the problem as part of a wider top-down model of hydropower development in Arunachal Pradesh. Limits of the “buffer” logic: much of the Brahmaputra’s water in Assam and Bangladesh comes from the monsoon and from tributaries downstream of Tibet, so China cannot simply control total flow. The risk is concentrated near the border, where SUMP sits. Operational blind spot: SUMP needs data on both the mega-dam’s operations and downstream inflows; without Chinese data, the protection a 70% reservoir actually provides is uncertain. Geological risk: the eastern Himalaya is among the world’s most tectonically active and erosion-prone landscapes. Diplomacy is unavoidable: operating SUMP safely will require engagement with China, complicated by Beijing’s disputed claims on Arunachal Pradesh. Bottom line: national need does not exempt the State from following all relevant laws and protections; antagonising citizens undermines the national interest it claims to serve. ◈ Legal & Institutional Anchors (Prelims + Answer-Writing) Customary land tenure: much land in Arunachal Pradesh is held under community and clan ownership according to customary law, so acquisition directly touches collective rights. RFCTLARR Act, 2013: requires a Social Impact Assessment (SIA) and rehabilitation and resettlement entitlements. Prior consent (70% for PPP and 80% for private projects) is mandatory only for those categories, not for government projects. Forest Rights Act, 2006: diversion of forest land requires recognition of forest rights and Gram Sabha involvement — upheld in the Supreme Court’s Niyamgiri judgment (2013). EIA Notification, 2006: large hydro projects need prior environmental clearance, including a public hearing. Dam Safety Act, 2021: creates the National Committee and National Dam Safety Authority; especially relevant in Seismic Zone V, which saw the 1950 Assam–Tibet earthquake (M 8.6). Article 371H: special provision for Arunachal Pradesh, giving the Governor special responsibility for law and order. Policy context: large hydro (above 25 MW) was classified as renewable energy in 2019; Arunachal holds roughly a third of India’s assessed hydropower potential. Critical Assessment Case for SUMP: it provides flood moderation, a strategic water reserve, firm clean power and a basis for asserting India’s prior use of the river — a principle of international water law. Case for caution: A very high dam in Seismic Zone V raises safety concerns. The Brahmaputra’s sediment load will cause reservoir siltation. GLOF and landslide hazards are severe in the region. No cumulative impact assessment has been done for the many dams planned in the basin. Fish, agriculture and riverine livelihoods downstream could be affected. Downstream credibility: how India treats Assam’s and Bangladesh’s concerns will shape the strength of its own case against China. Lessons from Subansiri: the 2,000 MW Subansiri Lower Project was delayed for years by downstream protests and safety concerns. Early, genuine consultation costs less than prolonged conflict. Way Forward Consent-based process: free, prior and informed engagement with the Adi community, with transparent SIA, benefit-sharing (equity, local employment, a share of revenue) and protection of customary rights. Basin-wide science: a cumulative impact and dam-break study for the whole Siang–Brahmaputra cascade, with independent seismic review. Upstream intelligence: India’s own satellite-based and in-situ monitoring of Tibetan flows, reducing dependence on Chinese data. Diplomacy: push for a comprehensive data-sharing arrangement with China, and consult Bangladesh as a lower riparian. ✎ Mains Practice Questions 1. The Siang Upper Multipurpose Project is framed as a strategic response to China’s hydropower development on the Yarlung Tsangpo. Discuss the strategic, ecological and social dimensions of the project, and suggest how India can reconcile national security with the rights of local communities. 15 marks · 250 words 2. In the absence of a water-sharing treaty, how can India safeguard its interests as a lower riparian on the Brahmaputra? 10 marks · 150 words OpinionsSigned op-eds & ideas columns 02 Measuring Before Cutting: Tamil Nadu’s Committee on Welfare and Public Spending, and the Case for State Expenditure Reform Core TopicOpinionGS-III · Economy — Government Budgeting, Fiscal PolicyGS-II · Polity — Fiscal Federalism, State FinancesPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · Op-Ed (Anoop Singh, CSEP; former Member, 15th Finance Commission) Tamil Nadu has set up a high-level committee on welfare and public spending. The author argues that its first task is not to cut but to measure: define what the State actually spends and where it is recorded, using international standards such as the IMF’s Government Finance Statistics Manual 2014 (GFSM 2014). Done well, this could become a model for expenditure reform across States. ◈ The Basics — How Government Spending Is Classified Revenue vs capital expenditure: Revenue expenditure neither creates assets nor reduces liabilities — salaries, pensions, interest, subsidies, maintenance. Capital expenditure creates assets (roads, hospitals) or reduces liabilities (loan repayment). Committed expenditure: the near-fixed claims on a budget — salaries, pensions and interest payments. The higher its share, the less room for discretionary spending; this is fiscal rigidity. Revenue receipts: a State’s own tax and non-tax revenue plus its share in central taxes and grants from the Centre. Explicit vs implicit subsidies: Explicit subsidies are budgeted cash transfers. Implicit subsidies are hidden costs — below-cost pricing, unpaid dues, losses of public utilities, guarantees. Off-budget borrowing: borrowing by State-owned entities (corporations, boards) that is serviced from the budget but not shown in the State’s debt. Since 2022, the Centre counts such borrowings within States’ net borrowing ceilings. ◈ Constitutional & Institutional Anchors Article 202: the State’s Annual Financial Statement (budget). Article 293: State borrowing; a State that owes money to the Centre needs the Centre’s consent to borrow further. Article 280: the Finance Commission, which recommends tax devolution and fiscal paths for States. Articles 148–151: the CAG, whose audit reports on State finances have repeatedly flagged off-budget liabilities and misclassified spending. Fiscal Responsibility Laws: State-level counterparts of the Centre’s FRBM Act, 2003, setting deficit and debt targets. Why It Is Urgent — Tamil Nadu’s Expenditure Structure The State’s own June 2026 White Paper shows a budget that is more rigid and less investment-oriented than those of its main industrial peers: committed claims take up most of the revenue, and capital spending is low. Figure 3 — Tamil Nadu’s fiscal rigidity against its major peers Committed exp. (% of revenuereceipts), 2024-25TN~2/3MH49KA45GJ45Interest (% of revenuereceipts), 2025-26TN~1/4KA16GJ12MH10Capital expenditure(% of GSDP)TN<1.5KA1.9MH1.9GJ2.9TN bars are approximate (“almost two-thirds”, “almost one-quarter”, “under 1.5%”) as cited from the State’s June 2026 White Paper. Higher committed and interest burdens leave less room for capital investment — Tamil Nadu ranks worst of the four on all three measures. Legacy IAS chart from figures in the op-ed. The Author’s Reform Agenda — Five Measurement Problems 1. Comparable accounts: definitions, classifications and coverage differ across States and between States and the Union. A supplementary GFSM 2014 reconciliation would allow comparison with other States and countries. 2. The full cost of subsidies: subsidy reporting is fragmented, and implicit subsidies are left out. Bicycle and seed subsidies were booked as grants-in-aid — ₹802 crore in 2023-24. Working-capital borrowing by the State Civil Supplies Corporation rose from ₹17,500 crore (2021-22) to ₹27,181 crore (2025-26) as unpaid subsidy dues accumulated. 3. The “fiscal perimeter” of power: support to electricity comes through many channels: tariff subsidies and below-cost pricing; unpaid dues and utility losses; guarantees and borrowing; capital outlays and net lending. Where power is sold below cost for social reasons, the subsidy should be explicit. 4. True capital spending: recorded “capital expenditure” includes loans, equity injections and debt repayments that create no physical asset. Spending on roads, water systems, schools and hospitals should be shown separately from these financial transactions. 5. The real wage bill: budgeted salaries were about ₹75,500 crore (2023-24 RE), but the publicly financed workforce extends further. Uncounted groups include contractual and scheme workers, aided institutions, local bodies, autonomous bodies and public enterprises. RBI data show municipal-corporation salaries, wages and pensions rising from ₹2,899 crore (2019-20) to ₹3,668 crore. Across States, the author estimates salary spending rises from a reported 2.5% of GDP to about 4.1% once omitted components are added. ▤ Term to Know — GFSM 2014 What: the IMF’s Government Finance Statistics Manual, the international standard for compiling fiscal statistics, aligned with the System of National Accounts (SNA 2008). Core idea: records government activity on an accrual basis and separates three kinds of transaction: investment in non-financial assets (real capital); transactions in financial assets (loans, equity); incurrence of liabilities (borrowing). Coverage: the whole general government sector — not just the budget — which is why it captures off-budget entities and implicit liabilities. Why it matters for India: Indian accounts are largely cash-based and use their own classifications. A GFSM layer lets one see which spending actually builds assets. From Measurement to Evaluation Once spending is measured correctly, the author’s next step is to ask what each rupee achieves. Each major programme should be assessed for beneficiaries, unit costs, leakage, duplication and outcomes. Effective schemes should be protected or expanded; ineffective ones redesigned or discontinued. Critical View Strength: the approach shifts the welfare debate from rhetoric (“freebies” versus “welfare”) to evidence, and from cutting to reallocating spending. Caution: some returns on welfare — in nutrition, schooling and women’s workforce participation — take time and are hard to quantify. Narrow cost-benefit tests may undervalue them. Capacity: reconciling to GFSM and consolidating the accounts of hundreds of entities requires skilled staff and data systems that most States lack. Federal angle: State fiscal space also depends on tax devolution, the end of GST compensation (June 2022) and conditions on borrowing. Expenditure reform is necessary but not sufficient. Wider relevance: echoes earlier reform ideas — outcome budgeting (Centre, 2005), the Expenditure Management Commission (2014) and accrual accounting recommended by successive Finance Commissions. ✎ Mains Practice Question Rising committed expenditure and fragmented fiscal reporting constrain the developmental capacity of Indian States. Discuss the need for State-level expenditure reform, and how international standards such as the IMF’s GFSM 2014 can improve fiscal transparency. 15 marks · 250 words 03 Smaller Cities Can Lead the Way on Climate Resilience: Building Heat and Flood Resilience into How Cities Grow ImportantOpinionGS-III · Environment & Disaster Management — Urban Heat, Urban FloodsGS-I · Society — UrbanisationPrelims + MainsThe Indian Express · Opinion (Vaishnavi T G Shankar & Sanjay Sridhar) Heat and floods are usually treated as separate problems, yet both are shaped by the same decisions on land, buildings and infrastructure. The authors argue that India’s smaller cities, which are still expanding, have the best chance to build resilience into their growth rather than retrofitting it later. ◈ Static Background — Frameworks the Authors Invoke IPCC (set up in 1988 by the WMO and UNEP): its Sixth Assessment Report (AR6, 2021–23) popularised climate-resilient development — pursuing adaptation, emissions reduction and sustainable development together. Long-Term Low Emissions Development Strategy (LT-LEDS): submitted by India to the UNFCCC at COP27 (2022), with sustainable urbanisation as one of its pillars. National Mission on Sustainable Habitat: one of the eight missions under the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC, 2008). India Cooling Action Plan (ICAP, 2019): MoEFCC’s 20-year plan (to 2037-38). India was among the first countries to adopt one; the authors cite its estimate that design and efficiency could cut cooling demand by about 20%. Recent steps cited: an Urban Flood Risk Management Programme covering 18 cities, and the recognition of heat as a notified disaster, which allows disaster funds to be used for heat resilience. Heatwaves were earlier outside the list of 12 nationally notified disasters, though States could use up to 10% of SDRF for locally declared disasters. Governance: the 74th Constitutional Amendment (1992) and the Twelfth Schedule list urban planning, regulation of land use, urban forestry and protection of the environment among municipal functions. The Core Argument — Why Smaller Cities Where people live: more than half of India’s urban population lives in cities with fewer than one million residents. Still to be built: by estimates the authors cite, over 50% of the housing needed by 2070 has not yet been built. Avoiding lock-in: big cities face costly retrofits. Smaller cities can still choose how roads, drainage, buildings and public spaces are laid out — decisions that lock in either high energy use and vulnerability or resilient, resource-efficient neighbourhoods. Heat–energy link: a study of 88 Indian cities finds that land use, building density, urban sprawl and green cover shape cooling demand, not just rising temperatures. Figure 4 — Same decisions, two hazards: why heat and floods must be planned together Urban form decisions• Land use & master plans• Building density & design• Roads & paved surfaces• Drainage, lakes, wetlands• Green & blue coverHeatUrban heat island; concrete stores heat;loss of trees and water bodies→ higher cooling demand and power useFloodsImpervious surfaces raise runoff;encroached lakes and drains lose capacity→ waterlogging and flash floodsClimate-resilient development: embed both risks in plans, project appraisal and budgets Planning heat and flood resilience together avoids paying twice for the same infrastructure decisions. Legacy IAS schematic. What Needs to Change — Two Shifts Mainstreaming: climate risk must become part of routine master planning, project appraisal and investment decisions, not a separate add-on. Coordination: development authorities, public works departments, utilities and municipalities currently decide separately and need aligned investments. Finance: resilience can begin with how existing municipal revenues, transfers and scheme grants are designed. CSR, impact investment and development finance can fund pilots and generate evidence for scaling. Evidence plus local knowledge: spatial data, risk and vulnerability assessments and scenario models work best combined with how residents actually walk, commute and use public spaces, rather than copying big-city models. ▤ Good Practices to Quote in Answers Ahmedabad Heat Action Plan (2013): the first such plan in South Asia — early warnings, cool shelters and health-system preparedness. Telangana Cool Roof Policy (2023): a State policy promoting reflective roofs to cut indoor heat and cooling loads. NDMA Guidelines on Urban Flooding (2010): the first national guidance treating urban floods as distinct from riverine floods. Blue-green infrastructure: restoring lakes, wetlands and natural drainage channels (the “sponge city” idea) to handle runoff and reduce heat together. Critical View Capacity gap: smaller cities have the thinnest planning and engineering staff, weakest own revenues and the least data — the very tools the authors recommend. Incomplete devolution: three decades after the 74th Amendment, many Twelfth Schedule functions remain with State parastatals, so the coordination the authors seek requires State-level reform. Informal growth: much expansion in smaller towns and peri-urban areas is unplanned, outside master plans and building regulations. Opportunity remains real: early planning is far cheaper than retrofitting, which makes the authors’ “window of opportunity” argument persuasive. ✎ Mains Practice Question “Heat and floods in Indian cities are shaped by the same decisions on land, buildings and infrastructure.” In this context, discuss why smaller cities offer an opportunity for climate-resilient urban development, and the institutional reforms needed to realise it. 15 marks · 250 words

In-Depth News Analysis10 Items Core TopicImportantConcise Polity & GovernanceGS Paper II 01Legislative Councils: Constitution, Powers & Reform02VB-G RAM G Grievance Redressal Rules, 202603Bonded Labour: SC on Time-bound Rehabilitation04FRROs in All State Capitals by 2027 EconomyGS Paper III 05500 GW More Non-Fossil Capacity: India’s Next Clean-Energy Target06Industrial Relations Code: Who Is an ‘Industry’? Environment & EcologyGS Paper III 07Indonesia’s Wildfires & Transboundary Haze08SC Permits Green Crackers in Delhi-NCR09Catch the Rain & Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari Security & DefenceGS Paper III 10₹53,866-crore Deal for 8 Next Generation Corvettes Polity & GovernanceGeneral Studies Paper II 01 Legislative Councils: Biennial Polls in Four States Revive the Debate on the Utility of Upper Houses in the States Core TopicGS-II · Polity — State Legislature, Bicameralism (Arts. 168–198)Prelims + MainsThe Hindu · Explainer Elections to 28 Legislative Council seats in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka have drawn attention back to the Legislative Council (Vidhan Parishad) — the upper House that only six States have, and whose very existence depends on a State Assembly resolution and a law of Parliament. ◈ Static Background — Origins and the Constituent Assembly Debate Colonial origin: the Government of India Act, 1935 created bicameral legislatures in six provinces — Madras, Bombay, Bengal, the United Provinces, Bihar and Assam. 1935 design: a narrow, propertied and educated electorate; a permanent body with nine-year terms (one-third retiring every three years); and equal legislative power with the Assembly, with deadlocks resolved by a joint sitting summoned by the Governor. For, in the Constituent Assembly: a revising chamber to check hasty legislation and to bring in experience and expertise. Against: an unnecessary burden on the exchequer and a delaying body. Members also objected that key details were left to ordinary law of Parliament rather than written into the Constitution. Outcome: the Councils were retained as optional and deliberately made much weaker than both their 1935 predecessors and the Rajya Sabha. The Constitutional Framework Article 168: names the States with Councils — today Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka. Article 169 — creation or abolition: Parliament may create or abolish a Council by ordinary law, but only after the State Assembly passes a resolution by a majority of its total membership and two-thirds of members present and voting. Such a law is not an amendment under Article 368. Article 171 — size: no more than one-third of the Assembly’s strength, and not fewer than 40 members. Article 172 — tenure: a permanent House, not subject to dissolution; members serve six years, with one-third retiring every two years. Article 173: minimum age of 30 years. Article 182: the Council elects its own Chairman and Deputy Chairman. Ministers: the Chief Minister and Ministers may come from the Council, just as Union Ministers may come from the Rajya Sabha. Figure 1 — How a Legislative Council is composed (Article 171) Who elects the members of a Legislative Council?Size: at most 1/3 of the Assembly’s strength; at least 40 membersLocal bodies — 1/31/121/12Elected by MLAs — 1/3Nominated 1/6Graduates (3+ years)Teachers, secondary level and above (3+ years)municipalities, district boardsfrom among non-members of the Assemblyby the GovernorElections use proportional representation by single transferable vote · 5/6 elected, 1/6 nominated Unlike the Rajya Sabha, which represents States, a Council blends local-body, graduate and teacher constituencies with indirect election by the Assembly and Governor’s nominees (persons with special knowledge of literature, science, art, the co-operative movement and social service). Legacy IAS chart. ▤ Powers — Council vs Assembly vs Rajya Sabha Ordinary Bills (Article 197): the Council can only delay — up to three months the first time and one month the second. After that, the Bill as passed by the Assembly prevails. There is no joint sitting, unlike Article 108 for Parliament. Money Bills (Article 198): the Council may only make recommendations, within 14 days; it does not vote on Demands for Grants. No-confidence: the Council of Ministers is responsible only to the Assembly (Article 164(2)). Missing powers: no role in electing the President, and nothing comparable to the Rajya Sabha’s special powers under Article 249 or Article 312. Current strength (approx.): Uttar Pradesh 100, Maharashtra 78, Bihar 75, Karnataka 75, Andhra Pradesh 58, Telangana 40. Creation and Abolition — A Record of Shifting Majorities Abolitions: West Bengal (1969), Punjab (1970), Andhra Pradesh (1985) and Tamil Nadu (1986). Jammu & Kashmir’s Council ended with the J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019. Revivals and reversals: Andhra Pradesh’s Council was re-created in 2007. Tamil Nadu’s Assembly resolved to revive its Council in 2010, then resolved against revival in 2011 before the parliamentary law took effect. Pending proposals: resolutions from Rajasthan, Assam, Odisha and West Bengal have not been acted on by Parliament. Pattern: creation and abolition have tended to follow changes of government rather than any settled view of the Council’s value. The Reform Proposal — Second ARC (2007) The Second Administrative Reforms Commission, in its report on Local Governance (2007), proposed that Parliament may create a Council in every State as a “Council of Local Governments”. Its members would be elected solely by local-body representatives, since higher literacy had made separate graduate and teacher electorates unnecessary. Rationale: it would give a structured voice to panchayats and municipalities, strengthening the 73rd and 74th Amendments, and make the Council a genuine revising House for local interests. The alternative: if not reformed, the explainer suggests the Councils might as well be abolished rather than survive as an ornament of State legislatures. Critical Assessment Case for: a check on hasty legislation, room for experts and professionals who avoid electoral politics, and a continuing House when the Assembly is dissolved. Case against: cost, weak powers (it can only delay), a route for defeated candidates to enter, and Governor’s nominations that have often gone to party functionaries rather than experts. Graduate and teacher seats: once progressive, these are now questioned as a privileged franchise that conflicts with universal adult suffrage (Article 326). Federal anomaly: whether a State has a Council depends on Parliament’s willingness to act on the State’s resolution, which has led to long delays. Balanced view: the Council’s value depends on its design. A reform such as the ARC model, a uniform national policy and transparent nomination criteria could give it a clear purpose. ✎ Mains Practice Question “Legislative Councils have neither a clear rationale nor effective powers.” Critically examine this statement in the light of the constitutional provisions governing the Councils, and evaluate the Second Administrative Reforms Commission’s proposal to reconstitute them as Councils of Local Governments. 15 marks · 250 words 02 Grievance Redressal Rules under the VB-G RAM G Act Notified — FIR Clause and Local-Body Review Dropped from the Draft Core TopicGS-II · Governance — Welfare Schemes, Transparency & AccountabilityGS-III · Inclusive Growth — Rural EmploymentPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · PIB (Ministry of Rural Development) The Ministry of Rural Development has notified the Grievance Redressal Rules, 2026 under the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) [VB-G RAM G] Act. The rules widen and ease complaint filing, but several accountability provisions from the May 2026 draft have been dropped — some of which existed under MGNREGA. ◈ Static Background — From MGNREGA to VB-G RAM G MGNREGA (2005): a rights-based law guaranteeing 100 days of wage employment a year to every rural household whose adult members volunteer for unskilled manual work. It came into force in February 2006. Constitutional roots: the Directive Principles on the right to work (Article 41) and a living wage (Article 43). MGNREGA’s accountability architecture: mandatory social audits by the Gram Sabha (Section 17); a statutory duty on States to set up grievance redressal mechanisms (Section 19); district-level Ombudspersons; proactive disclosure of records. VB-G RAM G: the new statutory framework that replaced MGNREGA in 2026. It raises the guarantee to 125 days and moves to a Centre–State cost-sharing model. What the Notified Rules Provide Wide scope: complaints may be filed on any matter relating to implementation of the scheme. Timeline: grievances must be resolved within 15 days. Many channels: in person before the designated Grievance Redressal Officer (GRO), by Speed Post, on a digital grievance platform notified by the Centre, through telephone helplines, or by other modes notified by States. No technical rejection: no grievance may be refused registration because of its format, language, manner of submission or procedural defects — an important safeguard for workers with limited literacy. Figure 2 — Draft (May 2026) vs notified rules: what stayed, what went In the notified rules+ Complaints on any matterof scheme implementation+ Resolution within 15 days+ Multiple channelsin person, Speed Post, digital portal,helplines, State-notified modes+ No refusal on technical groundsformat, language, manner, procedureDropped from the draft– Mandatory FIRon prima facie evidence offinancial irregularities– Action-taken reportsplaced before local body meetingsfor review and monitoring– A designated weekly dayfor officials to receive complaints(first two existed under MGNREGA rules) Access to the system has been widened, but the clauses that made officials answerable — to the police and to local bodies — have been removed. Legacy IAS schematic. Why the Dropped Provisions Matter Deterrence: a mandatory FIR on prima facie evidence of financial irregularity turned audit findings into criminal accountability. Without it, follow-up depends on administrative discretion. Downward accountability: placing action-taken reports before local bodies linked grievance redressal to the Gram Sabha and panchayats, in the spirit of the 73rd Amendment and social audits. Predictability: a fixed weekly day helps migrant and daily-wage workers plan a visit without losing a day’s wage at random. ▤ Accountability Toolkit — Terms to Know Social audit: verification of scheme records and works by the community itself; Meghalaya became the first State to legislate social audit of government programmes (2017). Ombudsperson: an independent district-level authority for complaints under rural employment law. Citizen’s Charter and time-bound services: several States have Right to Public Services laws (Madhya Pradesh was first, in 2010) that penalise officials for delay. CPGRAMS: the Centre’s online public grievance portal, run by the DARPG. Critical Assessment Positives: broad scope, a firm 15-day deadline, multiple channels and protection against technical rejection make the system easier to use. Concerns: a grievance system without penal follow-through or community oversight risks becoming a complaint-logging exercise rather than a means of fixing problems. What to watch: the independence of GROs, an appeal mechanism, penalties for delay, and whether data on complaints and their disposal are published. Larger point: effective rights-based welfare needs both entitlement and enforceability. The worth of a guarantee depends on what happens when it is denied. ✎ Mains Practice Question “An employment guarantee is only as strong as its grievance redressal system.” Examine the grievance redressal framework under the VB-G RAM G Act, and suggest measures to make it effective and accountable to rural workers. 15 marks · 250 words 03 Release Is Not the End of the State’s Duty: Supreme Court Orders Time-Bound Financial Assistance and Rehabilitation for Rescued Bonded Labourers Core TopicGS-II · Social Justice — Vulnerable Sections; Fundamental Rights (Art. 23)Prelims + MainsThe Hindu Holding that the State’s constitutional obligation towards bonded labourers “does not end with their release”, the Supreme Court has directed the Centre to lay down a uniform procedure for financial assistance to be paid within seven days of release. It also asked the Centre to consider revising the rehabilitation scheme within three months. ◈ Static Background — The Legal Architecture Against Bonded Labour Article 23: prohibits traffic in human beings, begar and other forms of forced labour; it is enforceable even against private persons. Article 24 bars child labour in hazardous employment. Directive Principles: Articles 39(e)–(f), 42 and 43 — humane conditions of work, a living wage and protection of children from exploitation. Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976: abolished bonded labour, extinguished bonded debts and made compelling bonded labour a criminal offence. It gives powers to District Magistrates and creates Vigilance Committees at district and sub-divisional levels. Landmark judgments: PUDR v. Union of India (1982) — paying less than the minimum wage amounts to forced labour; Bandhua Mukti Morcha v. Union of India (1984) — identification, release and rehabilitation are part of the State’s duty under Article 21. Rehabilitation scheme: the Central Sector Scheme for Rehabilitation of Bonded Labourer, 2016 provides assistance of ₹1 lakh to ₹3 lakh depending on the category of the person rescued. Monitoring: the Supreme Court entrusted the NHRC with monitoring implementation of the 1976 Act in 1997. International: India has ratified the ILO Forced Labour Convention (No. 29) and the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (No. 105). SDG Target 8.7 calls for ending forced labour. Figure 3 — From complaint to rehabilitation: the timelines the Court has set 1 · ComplaintVerified ordinarilywithin 24 hours2 · RescuePrompt rescue whereverrequired3 · InquiryRelease certificateordinarily within 24 hours4 · Financial aidDisbursed within 7 daysof release (uniformprocedure to be framed)5 · SubsistenceSupport if disbursementis delayed; higher aid(scheme review, 3 months)6 · RehabilitationA continuing duty —livelihood, housing,education, dignityIdentification, release and rehabilitation are “interconnected stages of a continuing constitutional responsibility” The judgment converts a scheme entitlement into a time-bound process — the gap between release and rehabilitation is where survivors fall back into debt. Legacy IAS schematic. The Court’s Directions Uniform procedure: the Centre must require financial assistance within seven days of release. Scheme review: the Centre should consider, within three months, raising assistance and providing subsistence support where payments are delayed. Revised SOP: the Centre’s standard operating procedure on bonded labour, formulated on 14 May 2026, must be implemented by all States and UTs within six months. Supplementary guidelines: to be issued by the Centre in consultation with the NHRC within three months. 24-hour timelines: complaints should ordinarily be verified within 24 hours, followed by prompt rescue; release certificates should ordinarily issue within 24 hours of identification. Why It Matters From paper to practice: the Court stressed that the constitutional prohibition and statutory measures cannot remain assurances on paper. Release without the conditions for a dignified life does not discharge the State’s duty. Survivor-centric: one petition was filed by a bonded labour survivor, highlighting how delayed payments and gaps in identification leave freed workers vulnerable to re-bondage. Root causes: bonded labour persists through debt bondage — advances to migrant, Dalit and Adivasi workers in brick kilns, agriculture, stone quarries and textiles. Quick cash support directly breaks this cycle. Challenges Ahead Under-identification: Vigilance Committees are often inactive, and district surveys are irregular. Weak prosecution: convictions under the 1976 Act are rare, which limits deterrence. Inter-State migration: when the place of rescue differs from the home State, coordination on payment and rehabilitation breaks down. Linking to welfare: lasting rehabilitation requires convergence with land, housing, skilling and social-security schemes, not just a one-time payment. ✎ Mains Practice Question “The release of a bonded labourer cannot be treated as the completion of the State’s obligation.” In the light of this observation, examine the gaps in India’s framework for the identification, release and rehabilitation of bonded labourers. 15 marks · 250 words 04 Centre Plans Foreigners Regional Registration Offices in All State Capitals by 2027 ImportantGS-II · Governance — Statutory Bodies; Immigration AdministrationGS-III · Internal Security — Border & Migration ManagementPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · PIB (Ministry of Home Affairs) The Ministry of Home Affairs plans Foreigners Regional Registration Offices (FRROs) in every State capital by 2027. The network now numbers 20, after new offices opened since 2025 to serve rising numbers of foreign tourists, patients and students. ◈ Static Background Constitutional basis: Union List, Entry 17 (citizenship, naturalisation and aliens) and Entry 19 (admission into, emigration and expulsion from India; passports and visas). Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025: consolidated four earlier laws into one framework for the entry, stay, movement and exit of foreigners: Passport (Entry into India) Act, 1920; Registration of Foreigners Act, 1939; Foreigners Act, 1946; Immigration (Carriers’ Liability) Act, 2000. Institutional set-up: FRROs work under the Bureau of Immigration (BoI), MHA. In districts without an FRRO, the Superintendent of Police usually functions as the Foreigners Registration Officer (FRO). Services: registration, visa extension and conversion, exit permits and compliance. Most are now available online through the e-FRRO portal. What Is Changing Opened since 2025: Jaipur, Chandigarh and Guwahati, taking over areas earlier served by the Delhi, Amritsar and Kolkata FRROs. Operational in 2026: Aizawl (earlier under Kolkata) and Andhra Pradesh’s capital, Amaravati (earlier under Hyderabad). Recently notified: Kohima and Agartala (earlier under Kolkata) and Bhubaneswar (earlier under Hyderabad). Still to come: Bihar, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Meghalaya. Aims: services closer to where foreigners stay, better regulatory compliance, and stronger Centre–State coordination in enforcing immigration law. ▤ Fact-Check Note for Aspirants The official list of 20 names both Calicut and Kozhikode — the same city (Kozhikode is the official name). Quote the total of 20 as officially stated, but be aware of the apparent duplication. The Andhra Pradesh capital is Amaravati; Amravati is a city in Maharashtra — a common Prelims trap. Significance and Concerns Soft power and economy: easier compliance supports medical tourism, the “Study in India” push for foreign students, and tourism. Security: local offices improve tracking of visa overstays and illegal stay, which is especially relevant in the North-East, with its porous borders. Concerns: new offices need trained staff, data integration with State police and clear due-process safeguards under the 2025 Act’s expanded enforcement powers. ✎ Mains Practice Question How does the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025 reshape the management of foreign nationals in India? Discuss the role of a decentralised FRRO network in balancing facilitation with security. 10 marks · 150 words EconomyGeneral Studies Paper III 05 India to Add 500 GW of Non-Fossil Capacity in the Next 10–11 Years, Says Prime Minister at the Bharat Renewable Energy Summit 2026 Core TopicGS-III · Infrastructure — Energy; Environment — Climate CommitmentsPrelims + MainsThe Indian Express · PIB (PMO / MNRE) Inaugurating the Bharat Renewable Energy Summit & Expo 2026, the Prime Minister said India will add 500 GW of new non-fossil capacity over the next 10–11 years — a new horizon beyond the existing 500 GW-by-2030 goal. India already met its Paris pledge of a 50% non-fossil share in installed power capacity in 2025, five years early. ◈ Static Background — India’s Climate and Clean-Energy Commitments Paris Agreement (2015) — first NDC: 40% of installed power capacity from non-fossil sources by 2030, and a 33–35% cut in the emissions intensity of GDP from 2005 levels. COP26, Glasgow (2021) — “Panchamrit”: 500 GW non-fossil capacity by 2030; 50% of energy requirements from renewables by 2030; a 1 billion tonne cut in projected emissions; 45% lower emissions intensity; net zero by 2070. Updated NDC (2022): formalised 50% non-fossil installed capacity and a 45% emissions-intensity reduction by 2030. “Non-fossil” includes solar, wind, large and small hydro, biomass and nuclear — not just “renewables”. Key enablers: Green Energy Corridors (transmission); PM-KUSUM (farm solar) and PM Surya Ghar (rooftop solar, 2024); PLI for solar modules; the National Green Hydrogen Mission (2023); the International Solar Alliance (2015) as a diplomatic platform. 558.89 GWTotal installed capacity (CEA) 308 GWNon-fossil capacity 55.1%Non-fossil share $164 bnRE investment, past decade Figure 4 — Where India stands, and the road of targets Installed power capacity: 558.89 GWNon-fossil · 308 GW · 55.1%Fossil · ~251 GW · 44.9%20152021202220252030~2036–372070Paris NDC:40% by 2030COP26:500 GW goalUpdated NDC:50% by 203050% shareachieved500 GWtarget+500 GW(new pledge)Net zeroTimeline spacing is not to scale. Capacity data: Central Electricity Authority. Non-fossil sources now make up more than half of India’s installed capacity. The next challenge is converting capacity into actual round-the-clock generation. Legacy IAS chart. Key Points from the Address Progress: close to 300 GW of non-fossil capacity achieved against the 500 GW-by-2030 goal. CEA data put it at 308 GW (55.1% of 558.89 GW). Global standing: the Prime Minister placed India among the top three countries in solar and renewable energy. Investment: over $164 billion invested in the sector over the past decade; about $63 billion in the two years since RE-INVEST 2024; opportunities worth more than ₹20 lakh crore (~$220 billion) expected by 2030. Energy security: clean-energy investment was credited with cushioning India from the energy shock linked to the West Asia conflict; continued dependence on fossil fuels, it was argued, exposes economies to repeated disruption. Critical Assessment — Beyond Installed Capacity Capacity is not generation: solar and wind run at much lower capacity factors than coal, so the non-fossil share of electricity actually generated is well below the share of capacity. Coal still dominates generation. Firm power and storage: solar output peaks at noon, while demand peaks in the evening. Battery storage, pumped storage and flexible plants are the bottleneck for reliable renewable supply. Transmission and curtailment: renewable-rich States (Rajasthan, Gujarat) need new interstate lines. Delays strand capacity and force curtailment. DISCOM finances: loss-making distribution companies delay payments and are reluctant to sign power purchase agreements, which slows auctions. Supply chains: import dependence for polysilicon, wafers, cells and battery minerals, much of it from China, is a strategic risk. Domestic manufacturing is growing but uneven across the value chain. Land and ecology: large solar parks raise questions of land use, grasslands and wildlife (e.g. the Great Indian Bustard and power lines in Rajasthan). ✎ Mains Practice Question India has met its target of a 50% non-fossil share in installed power capacity well ahead of 2030. Discuss why this achievement does not yet translate into a comparable share in electricity generation, and suggest measures to address the gap. 15 marks · 250 words 06 What Qualifies as an ‘Industry’? Supreme Court to Examine Exclusions under the Industrial Relations Code, 2020 ImportantGS-III · Economy — Labour Reforms, Inclusive GrowthGS-II · Polity — Article 14, Delegated LegislationPrelims + MainsBusiness Standard The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a petition by the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), Tamil Nadu, challenging the definition of “industry” in Section 2(p) of the Industrial Relations Code, 2020. The definition excludes charitable institutions, sovereign functions and any other activity the government may notify. ◈ Static Background Labour Codes: four Codes — Wages (2019), Industrial Relations (2020), Social Security (2020) and Occupational Safety, Health & Working Conditions (2020) — consolidated 29 central labour laws. They came into force in November 2025. Labour in the Constitution: a Concurrent List subject — Entry 22 (trade unions; industrial and labour disputes) and Entry 24 (welfare of labour). Bangalore Water Supply & Sewerage Board v. A. Rajappa (1978): a seven-judge Bench gave a broad reading of “industry” under the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 through the triple test: a systematic activity; organised by co-operation between employer and employees; for the production or distribution of goods and services to satisfy human wants. Profit motive was held irrelevant, and the dominant nature of the activity decided the matter. Aftermath: a narrower definition enacted by amendment in 1982 was never brought into force. A larger-Bench reference (State of U.P. v. Jai Bir Singh) was pending for decades; in August 2026 the Court held that the 1978 test governs old cases under the repealed Act, while the Code is to be read on its own terms. What Section 2(p) Says Core definition: a systematic activity carried on through co-operation between employer and workers to produce, supply or distribute goods or services — essentially the 1978 triple test. Exclusions not found in the old law: institutions run by bodies substantially engaged in charitable, social or philanthropic activities; government activities relating to sovereign functions; domestic service; any other activity the appropriate government may notify. Effect: workers of an excluded establishment cannot raise an “industrial dispute” before the Industrial Tribunal. They also lose the Code’s protections on retrenchment, lay-off and closure and its conciliation machinery. ▤ Illustration — Two Nurses, Same Work, Different Remedies A nurse dismissed by a commercial hospital can approach the Industrial Tribunal. A nurse doing identical work at a charitable hospital may not, because the exclusion turns on who runs the establishment, not on what the worker does. She is not without remedy — other labour laws, contract and civil courts remain — but she loses the specialised dispute framework. Grounds of Challenge Departure from settled law: the exclusions abandon the activity-based test of Bangalore Water Supply in favour of an identity-based one. Article 14: classifying workers by their employer’s character, rather than their work, may fail the test of reasonable classification — an intelligible differentia with a rational nexus to the law’s object. Breadth of “sovereign functions”: the term is undefined and could sweep in a wide range of public-service activities. Excessive delegation: the open-ended power to notify further exclusions carries no guiding criteria — arguably the most legally vulnerable part. Assessment Government’s rationale: clarity and lower compliance costs for charities and welfare bodies, and protection of core State functions from industrial litigation. Likely approach: experts expect courts to apply the triple test first and read exclusions narrowly, looking at an institution’s main activity rather than its label. Stakes: the outcome will decide whether large numbers of workers in hospitals, educational institutions and welfare bodies can access industrial adjudication under the new Code. ✎ Mains Practice Question The Industrial Relations Code, 2020 departs from the activity-based understanding of “industry” laid down by the Supreme Court in 1978. Examine the implications of the exclusions under Section 2(p) for workers’ rights and for the constitutional guarantee of equality. 15 marks · 250 words Environment & EcologyGeneral Studies Paper III 07 Indonesia’s Wildfires Scorch 1.9 Million Hectares: El Niño, Peatlands and the Return of Transboundary Haze in Southeast Asia Core TopicGS-III · Environment — Pollution, Conservation; Disaster ManagementGS-I · Geography — ENSO, IODGS-II · IR — Regional Groupings (ASEAN)Prelims + MainsThe Hindu · Data Point More than 1.9 million hectares burned across Indonesia between January and September 2026, and the year’s hotspot count has already exceeded every annual total from 2019 to 2025. Toxic haze has spread across Southeast Asia, prompting public protests in Indonesia and action by Singapore. ◈ Static Background — Why Indonesia Burns Slash-and-burn clearing: fire is used to clear land cheaply for agriculture and plantations — notably oil palm and pulpwood. Tropical peatlands: waterlogged wetlands of partly decayed plant matter. Peatlands cover only about 3% of the world’s land but store more carbon than all its forests combined. Once drained for development, peat becomes highly flammable. Peat fires smoulder underground for weeks and are very hard to put out. El Niño: warming of the central and eastern equatorial Pacific weakens the Walker circulation and suppresses rainfall over Indonesia and Australia. Positive Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD): cooler-than-normal waters in the eastern Indian Ocean near Indonesia reduce rain there, while the western Indian Ocean warms. A positive IOD often supports the Indian monsoon. 2026: Indonesia’s weather agency, BMKG, reported a very strong El Niño together with the IOD; 61.91% of the Indonesian mainland was in a dry season. Figure 5 — A record fire season and its health toll Area burned by September (million ha)0.891.391.9+2023201920262026: +38% over 2019; more than double 2023Air-pollution deaths, Indonesia (2026)3,7405,310 (+42%)3,5601,750AugustSeptemberFire smokeUrban & industrial (non-fire) In September, two-thirds of pollution deaths were linked to fire smoke rather than urban or industrial sources. Legacy IAS chart; data: Nusantara Atlas FireWatch (burned area) and CREA (deaths), as reported. Scale and Impact Beyond the usual hotspots: fires have spread past Sumatra and Kalimantan. Papua Selatan recorded the most hotspots on 28–29 October; Papua Selatan, Kalimantan Barat and Nusa Tenggara Timur were among the worst-hit provinces by September. Health (CREA estimates): a record 58 million people exposed to unhealthy or hazardous air in September, up 40% from August; 3,33,470 cases of acute respiratory infection across seven fire-affected provinces, with children under five accounting for nearly a quarter. Politics: on 28 October, thousands protested, linking the fire crisis to wider grievances over governance. Transboundary spillover: haze has worsened air quality and respiratory illness in Malaysia and Singapore. ▤ Regional Governance of Haze ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (2002): the first regional agreement of its kind; it entered into force in 2003. Indonesia, the main source country, ratified it only in 2014, the last ASEAN member to do so. Singapore’s Transboundary Haze Pollution Act (2014): has extraterritorial reach — it penalises companies, wherever located, that cause or contribute to haze in Singapore. Singapore has now initiated action under it. New step: the foreign ministers of Indonesia and Singapore met on 27 October and agreed to explore a joint task force on haze. Precedent: the 2015 haze crisis, also an El Niño year, was among the worst on record. Lessons for India Parallel with stubble burning: like Indonesia’s land-clearing fires, crop-residue burning in Punjab and Haryana creates seasonal, cross-jurisdictional pollution that no single authority controls. Climate–fire link: India’s own forest fires peak in dry, hot years; ENSO forecasts can feed early-warning and preparedness systems. Wetland protection: conserving and re-wetting peat and other wetlands is a climate and disaster-risk measure, not just a biodiversity one. Corporate accountability: Singapore’s law shows how supply-chain liability can reach polluters beyond national borders. ✎ Mains Practice Question Recurring forest and peatland fires in Indonesia have become a regional public-health and climate crisis. Examine the natural and human factors behind them, and assess the effectiveness of regional cooperation in tackling transboundary haze. 15 marks · 250 words 08 Supreme Court Permits Certified Green Crackers in Delhi-NCR for Two Days, Balancing Festive Practice with Clean Air ImportantGS-III · Environment — Air & Noise PollutionGS-II · Polity — Articles 21 & 25, JudiciaryPrelims + MainsThe Hindu Describing the bursting of firecrackers on Deepavali as a religious practice that, unregulated, takes a heavy toll on the environment and public health, the Supreme Court has permitted certified green crackers in Delhi-NCR on 7 and 8 November, within fixed hours and outside no-cracker zones. ◈ Static Background Article 21: includes the right to a pollution-free environment (Subhash Kumar v. State of Bihar, 1991). Article 25: freedom of religion is expressly subject to public order, morality and health. Articles 48A and 51A(g): the State’s and the citizen’s duty to protect the environment. Arjun Gopal v. Union of India (2018): the Court allowed only “green” and reduced-emission crackers and restricted Diwali timings. CSIR-NEERI developed green-cracker formulations — SWAS, STAR and SAFAL — with roughly 30% lower particulate emissions and reduced or no barium nitrate. Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000: silence zones of at least 100 m around hospitals, educational institutions, courts and religious places. The Order When: 6 a.m.–7 a.m. and 8 p.m.–10 p.m. on 7 and 8 November, in Delhi-NCR. What: only certified green firecrackers. Where not: within a 300-metre radius of hospitals, nursing homes, primary and district health centres, old-age homes, notified silence zones and educational institutions. These are to be declared “no-cracker zones”, marked on the ground and publicised. Reasoning: crackers cause air and noise pollution and solid waste. Children, the disabled and the elderly are most vulnerable, and letting the environment degrade “defeats the very purpose of the festivities”. Analysis Doctrinal nuance: the Court calls cracker-bursting a religious practice but regulates it — consistent with Article 25’s own health limitation. It does not treat it as an essential religious practice beyond regulation. Proportionality: a time-bound, place-bound permission instead of a total ban — a balance between cultural sentiment and Article 21. Enforcement gaps: past orders were weakened by the sale of fake “green” crackers, poor checking of QR-code certification and limited policing during peak hours. Perspective: crackers add a short, sharp spike on top of Delhi’s winter pollution baseline. Sustained gains depend on action on vehicles, industry, construction dust and stubble burning. ✎ Mains Practice Question How has the Supreme Court balanced the right to practise religion with the right to a clean environment in its orders on firecrackers? Evaluate the effectiveness of such judicial regulation in addressing urban air pollution. 10 marks · 150 words 09 Catch the Rain and Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari: Community-Led Groundwater Recharge at Scale ImportantGS-III · Environment — Water Conservation; Agriculture — IrrigationGS-I · Geography — Water ResourcesPrelims + MainsPIB · Ministry of Jal Shakti (Backgrounder, 26 Oct 2026) The Ministry of Jal Shakti reports that over 1.55 crore artificial recharge and storage structures have been built under Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari (JSJB). An impact study estimates that 23 lakh of these structures recharged about 2.43 billion cubic metres of groundwater. ◈ Static Background Water in the Constitution: a State subject (List II, Entry 17), subject to Union regulation of inter-State rivers (List I, Entry 56). Groundwater dependence: India is the world’s largest user of groundwater, which supplies most of its irrigation and rural drinking water. The Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) assesses blocks as safe, semi-critical, critical or over-exploited. Ministry of Jal Shakti: formed in 2019 by merging the water resources and drinking water & sanitation ministries. Related schemes: Atal Bhujal Yojana (2020) — community-led groundwater management; Mission Amrit Sarovar (2022) — 75 water bodies per district; PMKSY — “Per Drop More Crop” and the Repair, Renovation and Restoration of water bodies. The Campaign’s Evolution Jal Shakti Abhiyan (2019): covered 1,592 water-stressed blocks in 256 districts. JSA: Catch the Rain (22 March 2021, World Water Day): theme “Catch the Rain, Where It Falls, When It Falls”. It covers rainwater harvesting, recharge, watershed development, water-body rejuvenation and afforestation as a Jan Andolan; it has been run annually since. JSJB 1.0 (1 April 2024 – 31 May 2025): built on the “3Cs” — Community, CSR and Cost — with convergence across schemes. Over 10 lakh recharge structures were built, and more than 27 lakh artificial recharge structures reported. JSJB 2.0 (from 1 June 2025): focused on over-exploited and critical districts with low-cost, hyper-local work. JSJB 1.0 contributions were recognised at the 6th National Water Awards (November 2025). JSJB: Catch the Rain (from 1 June 2026): merged JSJB with JSA: CTR. It draws on VB-G RAM G, PMKSY, CAMPA funds and Finance Commission grants, and is tracked on a portal and mobile app. Figure 6 — Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari: approach and impact The model rests on convergence and community ownership rather than a separate budget line. Image courtesy PIB (source: Ministry of Jal Shakti); reproduced with credit for educational use. ▤ Recommended Actions — Prelims Pointers Rainwater-harvesting systems in homes, housing societies and workplaces; recharge pits and shafts. Converting unused borewells into recharge points; restoring baolis, wells and traditional water bodies. Desilting ponds and reservoirs; tree planting in recharge zones. Jal Shakti Kendras: district-level knowledge and facilitation hubs. Women-led conservation is recognised through the Swachh Sujal Shakti Samman. Critical Assessment Strengths: low-cost, local solutions; convergence instead of a new budget line; and a first impact evaluation, which most campaigns lack. Count vs outcome: structure counts say little about functionality and maintenance; many recharge pits silt up within a few seasons. Recharge estimates need verification against groundwater-level monitoring. Supply without demand management: recharge alone cannot offset over-extraction driven by free or flat-rate farm power and water-intensive crops (paddy, sugarcane) in water-stressed regions. Way forward: pair recharge with crop diversification, micro-irrigation, aquifer mapping, community water budgeting and groundwater regulation. ✎ Mains Practice Question Community-led campaigns such as Catch the Rain have created lakhs of groundwater recharge structures. Critically examine whether supply-side recharge efforts can address India’s groundwater crisis without demand-side reforms. 15 marks · 250 words Security & DefenceGeneral Studies Paper III 10 Defence Ministry Signs ₹53,866.50-crore Contracts with GRSE and GSL for Eight Next Generation Corvettes ImportantGS-III · Security — Defence Indigenisation; Maritime SecurityPrelims + MainsThe Hindu · PIB (Ministry of Defence) The Ministry of Defence has signed contracts worth ₹53,866.50 crore for eight Next Generation Corvettes (NGCs) — five to be built by Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers (GRSE), Kolkata, and three by Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL). The Ministry calls it the first time warships designed in-house by the Indian Navy will be built by Defence PSUs under such a programme. ◈ Static Background Corvette: a small, fast, manoeuvrable warship, smaller than a frigate or destroyer. It is suited to coastal and littoral operations, anti-submarine and anti-surface warfare, and surveillance. Indian corvettes: the Kamorta-class (Project 28) anti-submarine corvettes built by GRSE, and the earlier Khukri and Kora classes. Shallow-water anti-submarine craft such as the Arnala class are now joining the fleet. Navy’s design capability: the Warship Design Bureau has designed a long line of indigenous frigates, destroyers and corvettes — the foundation of a “builder’s navy”. Policy framework: Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) 2020 gives top priority to the Buy (Indian-IDDM) category (Indigenously Designed, Developed and Manufactured). It is supported by Positive Indigenisation Lists. Shipyards: GRSE (Kolkata) became the first Indian shipyard to export a warship (to Mauritius, 2014). GSL (Goa) specialises in patrol vessels and smaller warships. What the Deal Delivers Capabilities: advanced missiles, weapons and sensors for operations in the air, surface and sub-surface domains. They will strengthen anti-surface and anti-submarine warfare, coastal defence, littoral combat and maritime surveillance. Industrial ecosystem: involves DPSUs, private shipyards, Indian industrial partners and MSMEs. Employment: about 72 lakh person-days in the shipyards and 460 lakh person-days in ancillary industries and MSMEs over 10 years. Strategic Significance and Challenges Indian Ocean context: a growing presence of extra-regional navies and submarine deployments in the IOR raises the value of numerous, capable anti-submarine platforms. SAGAR / MAHASAGAR vision: more hulls support India’s role as a net security provider and first responder in the region. Challenges: delivery timelines at Indian yards have historically slipped; propulsion and some weapons and sensors are still imported; capacity must be balanced across many concurrent naval programmes. ✎ Mains Practice Question India aspires to be a “builder’s navy”. Examine the progress made in indigenous warship building and the challenges that remain in achieving self-reliance in naval capabilities. 10 marks · 150 words